Q>Z\    ' 


Carnegie  Endowment  for  International  Peace 

DIVISION  OF  INTERCOURSE  AND  EDUCATION 

Publication  No.   14 


SOUTH  AMERICAN  OPINIONS  ON  THE  WAR 
I     CHILE  AND  THE  WAR 

BY 

CARLOS  SILVA  VILDÓSOLA 
II     THE  ATTITUDE  OF  ECUADOR 

BY 

NICOLÁS  F.  LÓPEZ 


Translation  from  the  Spanish 

BY 

Peter  H.  Goldsmith 


WASHINGTON,   D.  C. 

1917 


G 


^ 


\ 


^,",01 


CONTENTS 

Page 

Introduction    iv 

I.  Chile  and  the  War,  by  Carlos  Silva  Vildósola 1 

II.  The  attitude  of  Ecuador,  by  Nicolás  F.  López 21 

III.  Publications  of  the  Endowment 29 


r^Rf  174 


INTRODUCTION 

Too  little  has  been  heard  of  the  recent  movements  of  public  opinion  in  the 
South  American  countries,  in  so  far  as  these  movements  relate  to  the  war  or 
are  caused  by  it.  It  is  with  no  small  satisfaction  therefore  that  there  are  here 
presented  two  papers,  one  of  them  descriptive  of  the  attitude  of  Chile  toward  the 
European  belligerents,  and  the  other  descriptive  of  the  attitude  of  Ecuador 
toward  the  United  States. 

The  paper  on  Chile  was  published  early  in  1916.  The  author,  Sr.  Carlos 
Silva  Vildósola,  was  born  in  Santiago,  Chile,  in  1847,  and  he  has  won  high  repute 
in  his  chosen  career  of  journalism.  For  many  years  he  was  the  director  of  El 
Mercurio,  which  is  perhaps  the  leading  daily  of  Chile.  He  has  been  honored 
by  his  government  in  various  ways  and  he  has  served  as  a  member  of  several 
international  congresses.  Sr.  Silva  Vildósola  is  at  present  the  correspondent 
representing  El  Mercurio  with  the  Allied  armies. 

The  paper  on  Ecuador  was  published  as  a  pamphlet  at  Quito  in  June,  1917, 
with  the  title  "Nuestra  Actitud."  The  writer,  Sr.  Nicolás  F.  López,  is  a  native  of 
Ecuador  and  colonel  of  artillery  in  the  army  of  that  country.  He  has  held 
several  governmental  posts,  including  that  of  consul  at  Buenos  Aires.  He  is 
an  occasional  contributor  to  the  periodical  press  of  his  own  and  neighboring  coun- 
tries. 

Nicholas  Murray  Butler, 

Acting  Director. 

September  6,  1917 


CHILE  AND  THE  WAR 

By  Carlos  Silva  \'ildósola 
I 

FOREIGN   RESIDENTS 

In  the  statistics  of  European  emigration  to  Latin  America,  Chile  appears 
with  low  figures,  lower  even  than  those  of  the  countries  that  have  a  climate  and 
conditions  favorable  to  progress  less  attractive  to  the  emigrant. 

Her  position  of  geographical  isolation  between  the  cordillera  of  the  Andes, 
which  was  penetrated  by  a  railway  in  1910  only,  and  the  Pacific  ocean,  which 
had  to  be  reached  by  passing  through  the  strait  of  Magellan,  has  made  Chile  a 
country  difficult  of  access. 

The  climate  and  topography  of  Chile  render  necessary  there  a  hard  struggle 
with  nature  in  order  to  wrest  her  agricultural  and  mineral  treasures  from  her, 
which  does  not  permit  the  creation  of  the  rapid  fortunes  of  which  emigrants 
dream. 

This  same  isolation  and  this  necessity  for  prolonged  effort  have  made  the 
Chilean  race,  somewhat  insular  in  their  national  pride  and  their  fanatic  and 
noble  attachment  to  their  native  land,  distrustful  of  the  stranger  without  failing 
to  be  hospitable  and  generous,  and  resolved  to  preserve  the  purity  of  their 
nationality. 

There  exists  in  Chile  a  strong  national  sentiment,  which  is  sure  of  itself, 
jealous  of  its  preponderance  in  the  land  inhabited  by  its  fathers,  capable  of 
efiecting  by  itself  the  progress  of  the  republic,  and  which,  without  disdaining 
intellectual  and  material  commerce  with  other  peoples,  profoundly  desires  to 
preserve  the  management  of  its  inheritance  without  foreign  interference. 

Chilean  character,  as  an  eminent  English  writer,  Mr.  James  Bryce  (now 
Viscount  Bryce),  has  remarked  in  a  recent  work,  is  well  defined,  and  the  unity 
and  ardor  of  national  feeling  are  greater  than  in  any  other  country  of  Spanish 
America. 

According  to  the  last  census  of  the  republic,  there  were  in  Chile  in  1907,  in 
a  total  population  of  3,249,279  inhabitants,  134,524  foreigners.  From  this  num- 
ber must  be  deducted,  in  order  to  appreciate 'the  European  elements,  some  50,000 
Peruvians  and  Bolivians,  who  for  the  most  part  belong  to  the  provinces  annexed 
in  1881,  and  about  6,000  Argentines. 


¿  SOUTH    AMERICAN    OPINIONS    ON    THE    WAR 

The  number  of  residents  who  came  from  the  beUigerent  nations  engaged  in 
the  present  war  was  as  follows : 

[British 9,845 

Allies   <{  French    9,8rjO 

[Italians    13,023 

n     ^    \  '         (Germans    10.724 

Central    empires .  ^\^^^^j^^^  ^^^^^ 

There  were  besides  in  Chile  some  18,000  Spaniards,  2,000  Swiss,  1,000 
Americans,  1,700  Ottoman  subjects,  and  insignificant  groups  of  divers  other 
nationalities. 

Those  whose  names  occur  under  the  denomination  of  Austrians  are  almost 
in  their  totality  Dalmatians  or  from  the  other  countries  subjected  by  Austria- 
Hungary,  who  do  not  consider  themselves  bound  by  moral  ties  to  the  empire, 
and  who  left  their  country  in  order  not  to  live  under  a  foreign  yoke.  The  so- 
called  Turks  are  all  Armenians  or  Syrians  of  Christian  faith  who  are  in  a  similar 
position  with  reference  to  Turkey. 

These  statistics  probably  have  not  undergone  any  marked  changes  during 
the  last  eight  years,  as  there  has  been  no  appreciable  movement  of  immigration. 
In  any  case,  it  seems  certain  to  me  that  the  several  groups  have  maintained  more 
or  less  the  same  respective  proportions  that  they  had  formerly. 

The  national  and  the  foreign  populations  of  Chile  increase  constantly  but 
slowly.  In  1854,  with  a  total  population  of  1,439,000  inhabitants,  Chile  had 
19,669  foreigners.  In  1875  the  total  population  reached  2,075,000  and  the  for- 
eigners, 25,199.  In  1885  the  number  of  resident  foreigners  increased  suddenly 
on  account  of  the  annexation  of  the  Peruvian  and  Bolivian  provinces,  and  it 
amounted  to  87,077,  in  a  total  population  of  2,527,000.  In  1895  there  were 
79,056  foreigners,  in  a  total  population  of  2,712,000. 

II 

FRENCH    AND    ENGLISH    INFLUENCES 

These  colonies  do  not  represent  in  reality  the  commercial  and  intellectual 
relations  of  their  respective  nations  with  Chile.  Thus,  for  example,  the 
Spaniards  constituted  the  most  numerous  colony,  and  our  commerce  of  every 
kind  with  Spain  has  been  very  slight.  In  numerical  importance  the  Spanish 
colony  is  followed  by  the  Italian,  and  only  within  the  last  years  have  there  been 
relations  of  any  significance  with  Italy. 

From  the  beginjiing  of  her  existence,  Chile  received  the  influence  of  France 
and  England.  English  seamen  organized  the  Chilean  fleet;  French  soldiers 
fought  in  the  battles  for  independence;  French  books,  ideas  and  spirit  inspired 


CHILE   AND   THE   WAR  3 

the  first  intellectual  movements ;  and  British  principles  of  public  liberty  were 
incorporated  in  our  national  constitution. 

Public  instruction  was  organized  in  accordance  with  ideas  imported  from 
France,  and  the  generations  that  gave  to  the  republic  its  initial  character  studied 
history,  philosophy,  law  and  the  physical  sciences  in  texts  translated  from  the 
French.  In  this  favor  participated  the  English  economists  of  the  great  liberal 
school  whose  doctrines  were  diffused  throughout  the  country  by  M.  Courcelle- 
Seneuil.  It  was  in  their  time  that  a  member  of  the  Institute  of  France,  Ai. 
Claude  Gay,  wrote  the  history  of  Chile,  and  another  Frenchman,  M.  Aimé 
Pissis,  produced  the  first  complete  map  of  the  country  and  made  a  study  of  its 
physical  geography. 

The  Chilean  codes  took  their  origin  from  the  French,  and  our  civil  code,  a 
masterpiece  of  judicial  genius,  original  knowledge  and  wise  adaptation,  found 
its  inspiration  in  the  code  of  Napoleon.  Our  jurisprudence  has  drunk  and 
drinks  at  French  fountains. 

The  harbingers  of  independence  and  the  first  men  who  in  the  name  of 
liberty  spoke  to  their  compatriots  upon  political  doctrines  had  fresh  in  mind 
their  readings  from  the  French  theories  of  the  eighteenth  century.  I<ater, 
English  parliamentary  procedure  and  the  study  of  American  democracy  served 
only  to  modify  these  tendencies  without  altering  their  essential  quality. 

The  arts  always  received  French  influences  after  Chileans  began  to  interest 
themselves   in  painting,   sculpture  and  architecture. 

In  music  we  owe  to  the  Italians  the  formation  of  our  taste.  Even  the 
Spanish  schools  of  painting  were  not  well  studied  in  Chile,  except  during  recent 
years,  when  they  have  become  of  great  benefit  to  us. 

Whoever  visits  Chilean  bookshops  or  libraries  will  be  surprised  to  find  in 
the  best  of  them  a  greater  number  of  books  written  in  the  French  language  than 
in  our  own  Spanish,  whether  they  be  works  of  science,  law,  history  or  literature. 

The  French  language  has  been  compulsory  in  the  establishments  of  the  state 
that  confer  the  degree  of  bachelor,  and  although  during  recent  years  it  has 
given  place  greatly  to  the  teaching  of  English  and  German,  the  Chilean  youth 
continue  to  prefer  to  learn  French.  There  hardly  exists  a  man  of  any 
intellectual  culture — professor,  lawyer,  physician,  engineer,  politician,  writer — 
who  can  not  at  least  read  French,  and  who  does  not  make  use  of  this  language 
for  study  and  recreation. 

France  has  been  for  Chileans  the  center  of  light,  the  inspirer  whose  intel- 
lectual manifestations  have  had  the  power  to  achieve  universality,  to  spread 
through  the  world  with  a  special  faculty  of  adaptation  to  all  the  peoples  of  near 
or  remote  Latin  origin. 

Without  doubt  the  number  of  Chileans  who  have  been  affected  by  English 
influence  is  less,  because  of  the  difficulty  of  the  language,  and  the  very  originality 
of  the  British  institutions  and  mentality,  which  make  them  assimilable  with  dilfi- 


4  SOUTH    AMERICAN    OPINIONS    ON    THE    WAR 

culty  by  peoples  of  our  origin;  but  its  liberalism,  its  schools  of  economy,  its 
literature  and  art  have  awakened  great  sympathy  and  have  been  the  object  of 
study  and  admiration. 

Ill 

THE    GERMAN    PENETRATION 

A  book  interesting  in  the  extreme  could  be  written  upon  the  attempt  at  com- 
mercial and  intellectual  penetration  which  the  Germans  have  made  in  Chile  under 
the  auspices  of  their  government  during  the  last  twenty-five  or  thirty  years. 

The  German  colonization  which  the  government  of  Chile  introduced  toward 
the  middle  of  the  nineteenth  century  in  the  southern  province  of  Valdivia  does 
not  form  a  part  of  this  movement.  Those  Germans  were  the  sons  of  the  old 
Germany  divided  into  small  kingdoms,  who  left  their  respective  nations  in  an 
economic  and  political  crisis,  in  the  days  in  which  the  dreams  of  the  liberal 
Germans,  the  last  idealists  that  there  were  of  the  race,  were  banished  to  give 
place  to  the  ideas  that  have  produced  modern  Germany. 

The  colonists  of  Valdivia,  in  the  main  agriculturalists  and  honest  and 
laborious  workers  in  the  small  industries,  have  lived  in  peace  in  this  province 
of  ours,  without  always  teaching  their  language  to  their  children  who  made 
of  themselves  true  Chileans,  as  strangers  to  the  imperialistic  tendencies  which 
they  had  not  known,  and  pleased  to  change  themselves  into  citizens  of  a  modest 
and  free  nation.  As  Lord  Bryce  says,  in  the  book  already  mentioned,  and  in 
a  form  that  it  is  better  not  to  translate:  "they  have  settled  down  and  have 
become  completely  domesticated." 

The  work  of  penetration  began  with  the  professors  contracted  for  by  the 
government  of  Chile,  as  they  have  had  different  opportunities  during  thirty  odd 
years,  although  it  became  intensified  and  was  adjusted  to  a  plan  only  upon  the  ar- 
rival in  Chile  some  years  later  of  a  numerous  group  of  German  officers  engaged  as 
instructors  for  the  array  by  General  Korner,  a  German  ex-captain,  who  after 
passing  some  years  in  Chile,  had  come  to  be,  thanks  to  his  intervention  in  the 
civil  war  of  1891,  the  supreme  arbiter  of  the  military  institutions  of  Chile. 

The  government  of  Chile  and  its  counselors  followed  in  this  respect  the 
fashion  of  the  day.  The  war  of  1870  had  awakened  in  all  the  world,  even  in 
France  itself,  an  interest  in  everything  German :  sciences,  pedagogy,  military 
methods,  commercial  and  industrial  systems.  They  were  the  days  in  which 
French  authors  discoursed  upon  the  inferiority  of  the  Latin  races,  and  people 
sought  to  discover  the  secret  of  the  superiority  of  the  lAnglo-Saxons.  A  great 
frozen  wind  of  discouragement,  of  self-distrust,  passed  over  the  world  that  was 
engendered  by  Rome. 

Almost  simultaneously  with  the  arrival  in  Chile  of  those  splendid  elements 
of  propaganda,  German  banl-cs  were  established  in  the  country,  the  number  of 


CHILE  AND  THE   WAR  5 

great  commercial  firms  of  that  nationality  was  increased,  the  category  of  the 
legation  of  Germany  in  Chile  was  raised, — until  then  often  in  charge  of  con- 
suls who  exercised  the  function  of  charges  d'affaires, — an  active  diplomacy  to 
interest  German  merchants  in  Chilean  business  was  undertaken,  and  the  interest 
which  the  emperor,  the  government  and  the  people  of  Germany  felt  in  Chile  was 
proclaimed  with  all  formality. 

Very  few  Chilean  students  took  advantage  of  the  facilities  which  the  Ger- 
man universities  offered  them.  If  indeed  a  few  young  physicians  went  to  per- 
fect their  studies  in  them,  they  did  not  on  this  account  fail  to  hasten  to  Paris, 
or  to  visit  the  English  hospitals.  Nevertheless,  many  officers  of  the  army  were 
sent  to  the  German  schools  and  regiments. 

The  action  of  the  military  instructors  in  Chile  was  more  fruitful  for  Ger- 
many than  that  of  the  professors.  These  latter  had  a  more  restricted  field,  and 
they  did  not  possess  all  the  liberty  that  they  might  have  desired  in  order  to 
apply  their  methods  and  spread  their  tendencies.  The  resistance  of  the  national 
elements  was  great,  and  it  was  exercised  in  the  schools  with  a  freedom  that  it 
could  not  have  in  the  army. 

The  militant  Catholics  saw  in  the  work  of  these  Protestant  and  free-thinking 
professors  a  danger  for  the  religious  unity  of  the  nation,  and  they  ardently  com- 
bated them.  Perhaps  on  this  account  the  professors  found  support  among  the 
liberal  elements.  Yet  there  were  not  wanting  men  of  very  advanced  ideas  and 
free  of  all  prejudice,  like  the  celebrated  poet  and  teacher,  don  Eduardo  de  la 
Barra,  who  waged  an  energetic  and  continuous  campaign  in  the  press  and  in 
their  chairs  against  the  German  professors.  In  his  brilliant  pamphlets,  models 
of  elegance  in  form  and  in  causticity,  de  la  Barra  qualified  as  "German  en- 
chantment" the  effort  which  the  authorities  exerted  to  make  contract  for  new 
instructors  of  that  nationality. 

In  the  army,  over  which  General  Kroner  exercised  an  unlimited  authority, 
the  work  was  easier,  and  it  was  a  very  rapid,  violent  and  sudden  transforma- 
tion, thanks  to  the  activity  of  the  Germans  and  to  the  intelligence  of  the  Chileans 
who  have  a  marked  faculty  for  assimilation  and  an  innate  liking  for  things 
military. 

The  Prussian  regulations  were  translated  and  applied,  the  military  life  was 
changed  to  its  foundations,  and  it  was  all  done  with  an  unheard  of  precipitancy, 
without  adapting,  without  ascertaining  if  it  was  best  or  not  for  the  country,  by 
means  of  copying  mechanically.  On  a  certain  good  day  the  Chileans  beheld 
their  soldiers  uniformed  in  Prussian  tunics,  with  green,  red  and  yellow  borders, 
with  many  adornments  and  much  gold  braid,  dark  heads  covered  with  helmets 
terminating  in  a  point,  file  past  with  that  parade  step  which  caricature  has 
made  known  throughout  the  world. 

This  exact  reproduction  of  the  regulations,  the  methods,  the  uniforms  and 
even  the  utensils  for  the  use  of  the  army  facilitated  the  other  aspect  of  the  re- 


6  SOUTH    AMERICAN    OPINIONS    ON    THE    WAR 

form,  which  consisted  in  the  acquirement  by  the  government  of  Chile,  in  Germany, 
of  whatever  might  be  necessary  for  the  army,  from  the  Krupp  cannon  and  Mauser 
rifles,  to  the  shoes  for  the  horses  and  the  cloth  of  .divers  colors  with  which  the 
soldiers  should  clothe  themselves  according  to  the  Prussian  usage  and  tradition. 

Protests  were  not  wanting.  A  group  of  generals,  veterans  of  glorious  cam- 
paigns, was  sent  into  retirement  as  a  punishment  for  having  murmured  against 
a  reform  that  seemed  at  the  very  least  imprudently  precipitate. 

Later,  and  in  proportion  as  the  German  instructors  returned  to  their  coun- 
try, the  Chilean  officers  accomplished  a  very  intelligent  work  of  adaptation,  which, 
although  it  preserved  the  general  spirit  of  the  German  methods,  had  much 
that  was  original,  that  was  appropriate  to  the  people  of  Chile.  The  reform 
is  losing  little  by  little  the  character  which  the  servile  imitation,  made  under 
pressure  in  the  first  years,  gave  it. 

In  the  meanwhile  the  national  spirit  was  awakened  in  the  country,  and 
there  was  visible  a  reaction  against  the  tendency  to  import  into  Chile  a  culture 
so  opposite  to  the  national  genius,  so  foreign  to  its  traditions,  so  impregnated 
with  fundamental  principles  contrary  to  those  that  ought  to  serve  as  the  basis 
of  our  own  democracy.  Both  in  the  intellectual  realms  and  among  the  laboring 
class  a  well  matured  nationalism  began  to  oppose  itself  to  the  imitation  of 
Germany. 

The  first  professors  who  reached  Chile  twenty  years  ago  came  upon  their 
own  initiative,  and  they  were  selected  by  the  agents  of  the  government  of  Chile. 
Many  of  them  are  still  in  the  country  to  which  they  have  linked  their  destiny, 
and  in  which  they  have  wrought  a  good  work ;  and  they  are  men  worthy  of  esteem. 

After  Germany  began  to  unfold  in  a  more  open  manner  her  plan  of  domina- 
tion, of  absorption,  of  universal  conquest,  every  time  the  government  of  Chile 
desired  to  make  a  contract  with  some  German,  it  had  to  address  itself  to  the 
government  of  the  empire,  and  it  was  the  government  of  Germany  that  chose  the 
individuals  designated  to  come  to  our  country  in  the  capacity  of  military  in- 
structors, professors  or  civil  engineers  of  railways. 

Results  were  very  varied.  Many  of  the  new-comers  worked  as  political  and 
commercial  agents  -of  Germany.  Instead  of  trying  to  adapt  themselves  to  the 
national  spirit  and  respecting  the  idiosyncracies  of  our  race,  as  the  first  pro- 
fessors had  done,  whose  service  to  public  instruction  in  Chile  no  one  would 
dare  to  deny,  these  other  direct  representatives  of  the  policy  of  the  empire  sought 
to  override  all  and  to  dominate  without  hindrance. 

A  saving  instinct  produced  manifestations  of  resistance  on  the  part  of  the 
Chilean  elements,  and  these  with  practical  results. 

A  professor  under  contract  to  organize  the  Instituto  de  Anatomía  Patoló- 
gica, to  whom  all  conceded  competency  in  his  branch,  was  compelled  to  return 
to  Germany  because  neither  the  Chilean  professors  nor  the  students  could  tol- 
erate his  insolence.     An  engineer,  to  whom  had  been  confided  the  general  direc- 


CHILE  AND   THE   WAR  / 

tion  of  the  railways,  had  to  retire  because  of  an  absolute  inability  to  adapt 
himself  to  the  character  and  ways  of  the  Chileans.  In  neither  case  did  resistance 
spring  from  a  blind  opposition  to  a  foreigner :  the  former  was  replaced  with  felici- 
tous success  by  an  Italian  professor  and  the  latter  by  a  Belgian  engineer  who 
remained  for  many  years  in  charge. 

In  the  midst  of  their  commercial  advance,  which  was  great  in  Chile,  as  it 
was  everywhere  else;  with  the  prestige  of  their  military  triumphs  of  1870,  the 
origin  of  the  fashion  of  imitating  whatever  was  German;  in  spite  of  the  effica- 
cious activities  of  the  military  instructors  and  the  visits  of  the  Chilean  officers 
to  Germany;  in  spite  of  their  professors,  among  whom,  as  I  repeat,  there  have 
been  men  who  could  boast  of  a  general  popularity;  and  although  there  were 
many  Chileans  who  admired  the  Germanic  power  of  organization,  the  Germans 
have  never  been  able  to  penetrate  the  Ch^ilean  soul. 

The  agents  of  the  plan  of  penetration  were  not  able  by  all  effort  to  under- 
stand the  national  character  or  to  adopt  themselves  to  its  needs ;  they  showed  on 
many  occasions  an  offensive  pride;  and  not  infrequently  they  wounded  Chilean 
sensibilities  by  the  exhibition  of  a  consciousness  of  superiority  that  was  but 
slightly  justified. 

We  Chileans  recognize  that  the  modernizing  of  our  army  was  a  useful, 
necessary  and  patriotic  task.  We  do  not  yet  understand  clearly  how  much  of  it 
was  due  to  the  foreign  instructors  and  how  much  to  the  more  rapid,  clear  and 
assimilating  intelligence  of  the  Chilean  officers  who  have  improved  the  reform  by 
means  of  a  well  reasoned  adaptation.  We  find  much  in  German  pedagogy  that  is 
worthy  of  study,  although  we  have  not  been  able  to  adopt  its  methods  en  bloc, 
because  they  are  opposed  to  the  character  and  orientation  oí  our  race. 

We  have  distrusted,  however,  because  back  of  all  this  military  and  peda- 
gogical labor,  back  of  the  banks,  the  lines  of  navigation,  the  industries  and  the 
contracts  with  the  state,  we  have  discerned  an  absorbing,  dominating  policy, 
which  desired  to  subject  the  country  to  its  exclusive  influence,  which  sought 
to  Prussianize  it,  forgetful  of  its  character,  its  tradition,  the  genius  of  its  race 
and  its  well  established  prerogatives  of  nationality. 

IV 

COMMERCE   WITH   THE    BELLIGERENTS 

During  many  years  the  commerce  of  Chile  was  principally  in  the  hands  of 
the  British.  They  established  the  first  lines  of  navigation,  the  railways,  the 
banking  systems,  the  great  importing  and  exporting  houses. 

The  center  of  our  finances  has  been  and  continues  to  be  London,  in  which 
market  Chile  has  always  found  an  easy  credit,  which  was  the  merited  recom- 
pense of  the  scrupulous  seriousness  with  v/hich  our  government  has  fulfilled  its 
obligations.     Only  during  these  later  years  has  there  been  any  interest  in  turning 


8  SOUTH    AMERICAN    OPINIONS    ON    THE    WAR 

to  Berlin,  after  the  insistent  solicitations  of  the  agents  of  the  imperial  govern- 
ment, but  the  result  has  been  limited  to  small  and  restricted  operations. 

Next  in  order  after  the  British  came  the  French  commerce,  which  occupied 
for  many  years  the  second  place  in  our  commercial  statistics.  When  sail  navi- 
gation still  had  a  certain  importance,  the  French  ships,  if  they  did  not  pre- 
dominate along  the  American  coast  of  the  Pacific,  were  at  least  very  plen- 
tiful, and  some  of  the  great  ship-owners  of  Bordeaux  accumulated  there  their 
large  fortunes. 

In  the  last  twenty-five  or  thirty  years  two  new  factors  have  appeared  in  the 
commerce  of  Chile:  these  are  Germany  and  the  United  States,  profoundly  dif- 
ferent in  their  methods,  but  alike  in  the  vigorous  thrust  with  which  they  launch 
their  eííorts  for  the  conquest  of  markets. 

The  Germans  have  organized  their  commerce  as  a  part  of  their  general 
policy  of  domination,  in  harmony  with  their  intellectual  influence,  their  diplo- 
macy and  the  direct  action  of  their  government.  The  Americans  have  displayed 
marvelous  individual  energy  in  which  the  lack  of  tradition  gave  them  stupen- 
dous liberty  and  originality. 

In  the  latest  statistics  that  I  have  at  hand,  those  of  1912,  the  imports  of 
Chile  stand  in  the  following  order:  Great  Britain,  Germany,  the  United  States, 
France,  Perú,  the  Argentine  Republic,  India,  Belgium,  Australia,  Italy,  Spain, 
and  then  some  forty  different  countries  that  show  insignificant  figures. 

Great  Britain,  without  including  her  colonies,  sent  to  Chile  thirty-one  per 
cent,  of  what  our  country  imported  from  abroad;  Germany,  twenty-seven;  the 
United  States,  thirteen;  and  France,  five. 

German  progress  has  been  made  for  a  long  time  at  the  expense  of  British 
commerce,  as  well  as  of  French,  which  had  existed  in  much  greater  proportions. 
In  the  last  ten  or  twelve  years  the  appearance  of  the  United  States,  without 
hindering  the  German  advance,  has  caused  French  commerce  to  subside  to  the 
fourth  place  and  has  diminished  'that  of  the  British. 

The  comparison  of  imports  for  the  years  1911  and  1912  is  curious,  and  it 
probably  ofiers  instructive  features  as  to  the  general  trend.  The  values  are 
indicated  in  Chilean  pesos  which  at  par  are  rated  at  eighteen  pence: 

1911  1912 

Great  Britain    111,767,889  105,751,459 

Germany    89,598.552  90,751,060 

United  States    43,221,833  46,044,771 

France    18,990,996  19,893,317 

The  exports  reached  similar  figures.  The  four  great  purchasers  buy  the 
products  of  Chile  more  or  less  in  the  same  proportion  as  that  in  which  they  sell 
to  her  their  own. 


CHILE  AND  THE   WAR  \) 

Great  Britain  takes  forty  per  cent,  of  the  total  exports  of  Chile;  Germany, 
twenty;  the  United  States,  seventeen;  and  France,  five.  The  following  are  the 
comparative  statistics  of  exports  for  the  years  1911  and  1912,  in  which  the  con- 
siderable advance  of  the  United  States  is  worthy  of  mention : 

1911  1912 

Great   Britain    145,913,120  150,996,163 

Germany    71,780,194  76,878,617 

United  States    53,566,939  67,163,193 

France    16,068,983  21,009,780 

It  is  curious  that  French  commerce  has  undergone  in  recent  years  a  slight 
increase,  although  there  are  no  French  lines  of  navigation  to  Chile,  nor  French 
banks  in  the  country,  nor  is  there  much  effort  on  the  part  of  the  French  govern- 
ment to  develop  this  market. 

I  omitted  the  very  low  figures  of  the  commerce  of  Japan  and  Italy,  which 
have  no  importance  as  a  means  of  demonstrating  the  commercial  relations  of 
Chile  with  the  belligerents  prior  to  the  war. 


OPINION    PRECEDING   THE   WAR 

Before  the  war  there  was  among  the  intellectual  and  governing  elements  o^ 
Chilean  society  a  great  and  profound  affection  for  France,  for  her  culture] 
her  history,  her  civilization,  contact  with  which  had  helped  us  to  achieve  thq 
progress  of  the  republic.  As  I  have  said,  generation  after  generation  had  beenj 
formed  under  the  almost  exclusive  influences  of  French  culture.  ■ 

These  sympathies  had  penetrated  even  to  the  depths  of  the  popular  masses, 
with  which  the  French  residents  lived  traditionally  in  harmony  and  mutual 
understanding. 

Neither  the  political  relations  of  the  governments,  which  were  courteous 
but  cold,  nor  the  commercial,  v/hich  were  relatively  limited,  corresponded  to 
this  regard  based  upon  an  intellectual  and  moral  sympathy. 

In  the  later  years,  it  is  necessary  to  say  it,  the  political  life  of  France,  which 
we  in  Chile  probably  saw  disfigured  by  the  exaggerations  of  the  French  press 
itself,  had  awakened  in  some  people,  sincere  admirers  of  France,  a  pessimistic 
impression  regarding  that  republic.  The  politico-religious  agitation,  which  ac- 
companied and  followed  the  approval  of  the  laws  that  separated  the  church 
and  the  state,  produced  not  only  among  the  conservatives,  but  even  among 
many  Chilean  liberals,  a  painful  effect. 

Great  Britain  enjoyed  in  our  country  the  enthusiastic  admiration  that  her 


10  SOUTH    AMERICAN    OPINIONS    ON    THE    WAR 

political  institutions  merited,  and  the  ample  democratic  evolution  which  was 
observed  developing  in  that  country  was  followed  with  lively  interest.  The 
Englishmen  resident  among  us  were  highly  esteemed,  and  they  were  looked  upon 
as  fine  factors  of  progress,  although  the  sympathy  which  they  enjoyed  did  not 
reach  the  frank  popularity  and  intimate  fusion  of  the  French, 

Both  nationalities  presented  themselves  to  us  as  cooperators  in  our  progress, 
as  contributors  to  our  riches  and  well-being,  without  either  of  them  ever  lettii:g 
us  behold  any  of  those  ambitions  which  arouse  suspicions  in  a  weak  country ; 
for  their  policy,  as  much  that  of  the  British  as  of  the  French,  far  from  being 
invasive  and  absorbing,  was  rather  neglectful  of  the  interests  they  could,  have 
developed  in  Chile. 

We  have  already  explained  with  what  reluctant  sentiments  the  Chileans  wel- 
comed the  German  penetration,  of  the  plan  of  which  as  a  whole,  it  may  be  said 
in  passing,  account  was  not  yet  taken  in  the  country.  On  the  one  hand,  there 
were  admiration  for  their  methods  and  the  irresistible  vigor  with  which  they 
applied  them,  gratitude  for  the  work  effected  in  the  army  and  seduction  by  that 
force  which  levels  obstacles ;  on  the  other,  there  was  a  vague  disquietude,  a  kind 
of  popular  instinct,  that  caused  us  to  resist  Germanization  and  to  desire  that  in 
Chile  there  should  be  less  German  activity. 

If  the  Germans  had  not  learned  to  know  us,  neither  had  we  succeeded  in 
understanding  them.  The  profound  difference  of  the  races,  the  oppositeness  of 
their  essential  ideals,  the  distance  between  a  republic  very  liberal  in  its  institutions, 
and  a  militarist  and  authoritarian  empire,  the  difffculty  of  the  language,  all  con- 
tributed, in  spite  of  the  excessive  labor  of  her  agents,  to  the  German  nation 
being  for  us  an  enigma  that  only  the  war  has  permitted  us  completely  to  decipher. 

In  order  to  set  forth  in  all  its  reality  this  resume  of  the  feelings  with 
which  the  belligerents  were  regarded  in  Chile,  before  the  war,  it  is  proper  to 
mention  that  in  our  country  there  has  been  developed  during  recent  times  a 
pessimistic  impression  as  to  the  friendship  we  might  expect  from  the  European 
nations  in  general.  They  were  all  accused,  not  even  excepting  our  mother 
Spain,  of  judging  ill  of  us,  of  not  giving  us  the  place  of  which  we  believed 
ourselves  worthy,  of  confounding  Chile,  a  nation  of  order  and  one  whose  history 
may  be  examined  without  finding  in  it  anything  to  put  to  the  blush,  with  other 
republics  that  have  been  wont  to  furnish  material  for  comic  opera  and  light  song. 

Literature,  art,  the  press,  the  impressions  gathered  by  the  many  Chileans 
who  have  returned  from  Europe,  confirmed  this  feeling,  fruit  in  part  of  an 
understandable  national  vanity,  but  justified  to  an  extent  by  the  defective  in- 
formation which  in  general  has  existed  regarding  Spanish  America. 

In  recent  years  the  work  of  the  "Groupement  des  Universités  et  Grandes 
Écoles  de  France,"  the  Comité  France-Amérique  and  some  Spanish  organiza- 
tions have  tended  to  produce  a  wholesome  and  mutually  advantageous  reaction. 


CHILE   AND   THE   WAR  11 

VI 

AT   THE   OUTBREAK   OF  THE   WAR 

At  the  time  of  the  publication  of  the  first  telegrams  that  announced  the 
declaration  of  war  and  the  invasion  of  Luxembourg  and  Belgium  by  the  German 
army,  there  spread  over  Chile  a  great  wave  of  perturbation,  and  it  may  be  said 
that  the  Chileans  were  rare  who  had  the  right  to  proclaim  themselves  neutral  in 
the  depths  of  their  consciences. 

Each  one  took  the  side  toward  which  his  sympathies,  the  tendencies  of  his 
spirit  and  the  doctrines  upon  which  he  had  based  his  culture,  inclined  him. 

Material  considerations  or  the  interests  of  commerce  and  industry  in  no 
wise  entered  into  this  perturbation.  Chileans  comprehended  from  the  first  moment 
that  they  were  in  the  presence  of  the  frightful  clash  of  two  forms  of  civilization, 
of  two  ways  of  understanding  progress,  of  two  fundamental  doctrines  that  afiect 
all  humanity. 

At  the  beginning,  German  propaganda  was  very  active,  and  it  adopted  a 
violent  tone  that  soon  must  do  it  much  harm.  There  appeared  special  news- 
papers designed  to  prove  the  justice  with  which  the  Germanic  empire  launched 
upon  Europe  the  machine  of  its  military  organization.  The  admiration  that 
many  people  in  Chile  felt  for  the  Germany  army,  which  they  had  known  only  in 
times  of  peace,  and  upon  which  the  Chilean  army  had  been  modeled,  was  ex- 
ploited as  extensively  as  possible. 

Some  went  so  far  as  to  try  to  make  the  Chilean  army,  whose  popularity  in 
the  country  is  well  merited,  appear  as  the  center  of  German  propaganda,  and 
with  this  object  the  German  agents  brought  out  a  newspaper,  the  editing  of 
which  was  entrusted  to  two  Spaniards,  and  which  bore  the  deceptive  title  of 
La  Gaceta  Militar,  designed  to  create  the  belief  outside  of  Chile  that  it  was 
an  organ  of  the  army. 

It  became  necessary  to  make  known  outside  of  Chile  the  true  character  of 
this  publication,  which  in  its  day  created  much  talk.  In  the  republic  these  ex- 
planations were  unnecessary,  since  to  no  one  would  it  occur  to  believe  that  there 
could  be  officers  in  our  army  involved  in  such  an  undertaking,  which  would  have 
been  contrary  to  their  elementary  duties  and  to  the  primary  interests  of  their  land. 

The  Chilean  press  adopted  a  reserved  and  serene  attitude,  as  would  be 
proper  in  a  neutral  country  and  one  in  which  lived  citizens  of  all  the  belligerent 
countries.  Our  dailies  have  even  carried  too  far  their  respect  for  the  feelings 
of  the  groups  of  foreigners  who  reside  in  Chile.  This  and  a  desire  to  do  jus- 
tice, to  form  a  proper  opinion  of  their  own,  to  give  room  for  fair  play,  as  the 
English  call  it,  caused  the  Chilean  dailies — I  refer  to  the  press  that  influences 
opinion — to  appear  colorless  at  the  beginning  of  the  war. 

In  some  of  them  were  accepted,  on  the  part  of  one  or  the  other  side,  col- 
lal)orations  which  started  controversies  or  replies  to  the  opinions  of  the  cor- 
respondents of  these  dailies. 


12  SOUTH    AMERICAN    OPINIONS    ON    THE    WAR 

If  it  is  true  that  they  did  not  make  many  editorial  comments,  the  Chilean 
dailies,  on  the  other  hand,  received  abundant  European  news,  all  that  the  cen- 
sorship permitted,  by  extending  as  far  as  possible  their  ordinary  services  of  tele- 
graphic information,  some  of  which  are  excellent. 

When  too  the  postal  communications,  disturbed  during  the  first  days  of 
the  war,  became  regular,  there  began  to  be  published  the  documents  relating  to 
the  war,  the  official  notes  regarding  its  origin,  information  about  the  German 
campaign  in  Belgium  and  the  north  of  France,  and  the  official  details  as  to  the 
treatment  accorded  to  the  civil  populations.  At  the  same  time  numerous 
Chileans,  who  had  been  in  Paris  or  London  when  hostilities  broke  out,  re- 
turned to  Chile,  and  there  appeared  letters  from  Chilean  correspondents  who 
followed  here  the  course  of  events. 

The  violation  of  the  neutrality  of  Luxembourg  and  Belgium,  the  compari- 
son of  the  documents  of  the  German  chancellery  with  those  published  by  the 
Allies,  the  war  methods  adopted  by  the  German  army  in  Flanders  and  France, 
produced  in  Chile  unanimous  indignation.  Not  a  Chilean  voice  was  lifted,  in  so 
far  as  I  know,  to  justify  these  deeds.  The  defense  attempted  by  the  German 
propaganda  found  no  echo.  By  the  end  of  1914  Chilean  opinion  had  oriented 
itself,  and  it  was  now  felt  that  the  majority  of  the  country  recognized  that 
Germany  was  responsible  for  the  war,  and  that  her  way  of  conducting  it  was 
a  negation  of  the  essential  principles  of  civilization. 

Nevertheless,  the  complete  consciousness  of  the  human  significance  of  the 
struggle  was  not  yet  formed.  The  German  propaganda  was  very  powerful  and 
that  of  the  Allies  weak. 

However,  the  Germans  by  their  own  acts  were  about  to  take  on  themselves 
the  task  of  making  it  felt  in  Chile  that  their  triumph  would  be  a  danger  for  all   ' 
the  peoples  of  the  globe  who  aspired  to  live  free  and  be  respected. 

VII 

THE    CAMPAIGN    OF   THE    GERMAN    CRUISERS 

The  war  had  thrown  Chile  into  a  profound  economic  crisis.  For  some  years 
prior,  the  economic  organism  of  the  country  was  much  debilitated  and  had  lacked 
the  power  of  resistance.  The  European  conflict  paralyzed  all  our  commerce. |/ 
The  exportation  of  nitrate  of  soda,  which  brings  to  the  state  the  larger  part  of 
its  revenues,  Was  suddenly  interrupted.  Thousands  of  workmen  who  had  been 
employed  in  the  extraction,  elaboration  and  shipment  of  nitrate  were  out  of 
work.  The  farmers  of  the  central  and  southern  regions  were  without  markets 
for  their  products.  The  merchants  found  their  European  credits  withdrawn 
and  the  transmission  of  merchandise  suspended.  The  value  of  Chilean  money 
in  exchange  fell  to  the  borders  of  disaster.  The  cost  of  living  increased  in  enor- 
mous proportions. 

This  crisis  would  not  have  been  so  grave,  and  would  have  been  of  short 


CHILE   AND  THE   WAR  13 

duration,  if  there  had  not  entered  the  circumstance  that  the  larger  part  of 
the  German  war  vessels  which  had  not  taken  refuge  in  the  canal  of  Kiel  was 
gathered  in  the  southern  Pacific,  where  they  began  to  disturb  the  traffic  of  the 
British  merchant  marine,  which  in  the  main  carried  the  commerce  of  Chile. 

These  cruisers,  effectively  aided  by  the  Germans  resident  in  Chile,  dis- 
covered a  way  of  receiving  coal  and  provisions,  violating  at  each  step  the 
neutrality  of  Chile,  making  light  of  the  vigilance  of  the  little  Chilean  squadron, 
and  interrupting  completely  all  maritime  activity  in  our  seas. 

It  was  not  a  very  difficult  undertaking,  as  the  coast  of  Chile  has  a  length 
of  four  thousand  kilometers,  sparsely  populated  and  broken  up  toward  the  south 
into  a  labyrinth  of  passages,  islands  and  fjords  entirely  deserted,  which  afford 
excellent  refuge  for  vessels  embarked  upon  a  campaign  of  this  kind. 

The  Allies  had  at  that  time  very  deficient  forces  in  the  Pacific,  and  even  the 
first  that  the  English  sent  were  totally  inadequate,  and  they  suffered  a  grave 
reverse. 

This  campaign  of  the  German  cruisers  brought  Chile  a  loss  of  many  millions 
of  pesos,  great  popular  misery,  the  disorganization  of  her  principal  industries, 
and,  what  is  worse,  the  humiliation  of  powerlessness  to  make  her  neutrality  re- 
spected against  an  enterprise  that  respected  nothing. 

The  European  cabinets  did  not  understand  at  the  beginning  what  was  taking 
place  on  these  coasts,  which  can  be  explained  perfectly  by  the  urgency  and 
extraordinary  character  of  the  circumstances.  The  press  of  the  Allies  was  un- 
just toward  the  government  and  the  people  of  Chile.  By  good  fortune  the 
British  chancellery  soon  obtained  complete  information,  and  it  recognized  the 
good  faith  with  which  our  authorities  struggled,  in  the  midst  of  enormous 
difficulties,  against  the  German  outrages. 

It  would  have  been  a  miracle  if  the  government  of  Chile  had  been  able  to 
prevent  absolutely  such  violations  of  her  neutrality,  with  her  small  and  inadequate 
navy,  with  so  extended  a  coast,  unpeopled  and  broken,  against  the  desperate 
character  of  the  campaign  of  the  Germanic  cruisers. 

The  solution  was  found  by  the  British  squadron  that  destroyed  the  cruisers 
in  the  combats  off  the  Falkland  islands  and  Juan  Fernandez.  From  that  day 
Chile  began  to  regain  her  commercial  and  industrial  activity,  and  afterward  she 
succeeded  in  reestablishing  normal  conditions  as  far  as  this  was  possible  during 
the  war. 

VIII 

THE   EVOLUTION 

Having  felt  to  the  quick  the  effects  of  the  attitude  of  Germany  toward 
the  weak  peoples,  and  having  seen  on  our  own  coast  how  she  trampled  upon 
law  and  violated  neutrality,  constituted  for  Chileans  an  object  lesson  that  was 
very  efficacious  and  well  utilized. 

Even  the  admirers  of   Germany — those  who  had  placed  in  doubt    or  had 


14  SOUTH    AMERICAN    OPINIONS    ON    THE    WAR 

attributed  to  exaggerations,  the  public  documents  and  the  transmitted  versions 
regarding  affairs  in  Europe,  and  those  who  went  most  into  ecstasies  over  the 
German  organization  they  had  studied  in  the  time  of  peace — comprehended 
the  danger  that  a  power  with  such  methods  and  such  a  mentahty  constituted  for 
Chile,  as  for  all  the  peoples  resolved  to  preserve  their  liberty  and  sovereignty 
by  adjusting  their  acts  to  the  public  law  of  nations. 

The  pressure  of  Chilean  opinion  unfavorable  to  Germany  began  to  be  felt 
with  vigor.  German  propaganda  lowered  its  tone,  at  the  same  time  that  that 
of  the  Allies  achieved  a  better  organization.  Information  of  all  kinds  that  tended 
to  reveal  the  true  character  of  the  war  was  multiplied. 

Some  of  the  dailies,  like  El  Mercurio,  without  ceasing  to  be  respectful  to 
the  last  extreme  of  the  sentiments  of  all  the  foreigners  resident  in  Chile,  which 
the  traditional  hospitality  of  the  country  required,  did  not  disguise  their  sympathy 
with  the  cause  of  the  Allies.  El  Diario  Ilustrado,  of  conservative  tendencies,  but 
not  the  ofificial  organ  of  that  party,  assumed  a  reserved  attitude,  that  seemed  to 
be  rather  an  effort  not  to  commit  itself  before  the  public,  in  which  it  divined 
opposing  opinions,  than  a  lack  of  conviction  of  its  own. 

The  only  important  daily  which  at  the  beginning  might  have  been  charged 
with  being  Germanophile,  La  Unión,  the  organ  of  the  conservative  and  clerical 
party,  perceptibly  modified  its  tone,  and  gave  utterance  to  expressions  of  pity  for 
Belgium  and  of  protest  against  certain  German  acts.  A  curious  coincidence 
within  the  Chilean  ministerial  movements  made  it  necessary  that  statesmen  bound 
to  the  conservative  party  by  political  attachments,  such  as  the  señores  Salinas 
and  Villagas,  should  be  the  ones  who  were  compelled  to  take  action  against  the 
violations  of  the  neutrality  of  Chile  committed  by  the  Germans,  and  that  it 
should  be  a  young  and  distinguished  member  of  the  conservative  party,  the 
señor  Lira,  who  was  obliged  to  declare  in  a  note  to  the  German  legation  in 
Santiago,  that  he  would  hold  no  further  parley  upon  any  subject  whatsoever 
until  the  German  government  replied  to  the  various  demands  which  the  govern- 
ment of  Chile  had  presented  several  months  before. 

Finally,  the  campaigns  of  the  submarines  and  Zeppelins,  the  destruction 
of  innocent  lives,  the  death  of  hundreds  of  civilians — old  men,  women  and 
children — who  were  traveling  in  merchant  vessels  or  sleeping  in  their  homes  in 
open  cities  at  a  great  distance  from  the  theater  of  war,  completed  the  indignation 
of  Chilean  public  opinion.  The  sinking  of  the  Lusitania  was  unanimously  con- 
demned by  the  Chilean  press  without  exception,  as  were  the  repetitions  of  that  act. 

At  the  end  of  a  year  and  a  half  of  war,  the  points  upon  which  the  majority 
of  Chileans  seem  to  have  reached  an  agreement  may  be  defined  with  more 
precision. 

The  most  of  the  people  of  Chile  recognize  that  there  are  juridical  reasons 
in  the  interest  of  civilization  and  humanity,  in  defense  of  the  constituent  principles 
of  all  democracies,  and  in  order  to  save  from  destruction  the  Latin  civilization 


CHILE  AND   THE   WAR  15 

to  which  we  belong,  for  desiring  the  triumph  of  the  AlHes  and  the  suppression 
of  German  mihtarism. 

A  consensus  has  been  reached  regarding  certain  fundamental  points  that 
may  be  summed  up  in  the  following  manner : 

1.  That  Germany  provoked  this  war  when  it  suited  her,  after  having  pre- 
pared her  people  during  a  labor  of  forty  years,  by  means  of  an  education  and 
an  organization  whose  only  object  was  to  attack  Europe  for  the  purpose  of 
conquest. 

2.  That  a  mentality  like  hers,  capable  of  subjecting  an  entire  nation,  with 
a  view  to  aggression  and  conquest,  is  opposed  to  modern  ideas  of  liberty,  human 
fraternity  and  moral  progress. 

3.  That  the  triumph  of  a  nation  which  proclaims  military  necessity  as  a  sufii- 
cient  reason  for  violating  treaties,  in  which  might  is  set  up  as  the  only  source  of 
authority,  in  which  their  essential  liberties  are  denied  to  nations,  would  be  the 
greatest  peril  that  could  be  encountered  by  modern  democracies  and  all  those 
principles  upon  which  American  independence  was  established. 

4.  That  all  the  methods  heralded  by  German  writers,  sanctioned  in  their 
military  regulations  and  applied  in  the  campaigns  of  1914—15,  are  contrary  to 
the  notions  of  humanity  which  Christianity  diffused  through  the  world,  and  do 
violence  to  the  engagements  entered  into  by  civilized  peoples  to  remove  from 
war  the  elements  of  useless  and  barbarous  cruelty  of  the  primitive  ages. 

5.  That  there  exists  at  the  heart  of  this  struggle  a  conflict  between  the 
two  philosophical  and  political  tendencies  that  have  disputed  for  the  domination 
of  peoples  and  the  inspiration  of  their  movements :  one  based  upon  right  and 
the  other  upon  force ;  one  upon  liberty  and  the  other  upon  subjection ;  one  upon 
fraternity  and  the  other  upon  hatred  cultivated  as  a  sacred  and  almost  mystical 
principle. 

I  think  I  am  not  mistaken  in  saying  that  upon  these  fundamental  questions 
Chilean  opinion  is  in  agreement.  It  is  so  by  an  overwhelming  majority,  although 
there  are  not  v/anting  some  persons  who  think  in  a  different  manner. 

In  all  countries  there  exist  admirers  of  force  and  its  transitory  successes, 
whatever  their  moral  significance.  There  are  scattering  elements  in  the  diverse 
classes  of  society  to  which  invasion  and  the  destruction  of  cities  and  lives  seem 
to  be  a  sign  of  superiority.  The  primitive  philosophy  of  the  caveman  still  has 
its  partisans. 

There  are  not  wanting  in  Chile  persons  who  have  not  lost  their  admiration 
for  what  is  called  German  organization  and  the  galvanizing  power  of  its  methods. 
Not  all  have  set  themselves  the  task  of  examining  the  results  which  this  organi- 
zation produces  when  it  is  applied  to  the  exclusive  service  of  a  brutal  force  and 
an  ambition  that  recognizes  no  moral  barriers. 

Perhaps  the  most  of  those  who  in  Chile  are  still  friendly  to  the  German 
cause  are  to  be  found  among  the  clergy  and  the  militant  Catholics,  although 
indeed  they  are  not  the  more  cultured  and  better  informed. 


16  SOUTH    AMERICAN    OPINIONS    ON    THE    WAR 

At  the  beginning  of  the  war  many  members  of  the  Chilean  clergy  suffered 
the  same  perturbation  of  judgment  as  that  in  which  the  Spanish  clergy  still 
remains :  they  believed  that  in  this  war  the  Germanic  empire  was  an  instrument 
of  Providence  to  chastize  France  for  having  expelled  the  religious  orders. 

This  interpretation,  somewhat  loose  and  of  doubtful  orthodoxy,  involved  a 
cruel  injustice  to  Catholic  Belgium  and  the  millions  of  fervent  French  and 
English  Catholics.  However,  this  was  not  wholly  the  fault  of  those  who 
adopted,  in  a  spirit  of  thoughtlessness,  the  "old  German  God,"  whom  the  Emperor 
William  invoked  so  often  in  his  first  pronouncements.  The  Vatican,  we  all  know, 
did  not  in  those  days  have  a  clear  and  definite  policy.  Stories  were  current, 
exploited  by  the  German  propaganda,  that  kept  the  Catholic  peoples  among 
the  Allies  in  painful  disquietude!.  Men  of  great  religious  faith  asked  them- 
selves if  they  were  obliged  to  choose  between  their  patriotic  sentiment  and 
submission  to  a  Roman  policy  which,  in  the  midst  of  the  most  perfect  orthodoxy, 
they  might  consider  erroneous. 

The  clergy  of  Chile  understood  the  danger,  even  before  the  Vatican  had 
given  indications  that  it  would  not  link  the  interests  of  Catholicism  with  the 
empire,  an  ally  of  Mohammedanism,  which  destroyed  churches  and  shot  priests 
in  Flanders,  while  her  agents  in  Asia  and  Africa  preached  a  holy  war  upon 
Christianity. 

On  the  other  hand,  neither  before  nor  afterward  did  the  clergy  or  the 
Catholics  who  sympathized  with  the  German  cause  give  public  expression  to  their 
sentiments.  Their  official  organ,  as  I  have  said  already,  showed  that  it  did  not  wish 
to  be  considered  Germanophile.  What  is  more  important,  not  a  few  respectable 
priests  and  distinguished  men  of  intellectual  worth,  professors  and  professionals, 
refused  to  conceal  their  convictions,  which  were  entirely  favorable  to  the  Allies. 
One  of  the  most  eminent  professors  of  the  Catholic  University  of  Santiago,  don 
Juan  Enrique  Concha,  who  with  so  much  brilliancy  occupied  the  chair  of  social 
economy,  has  in  recent  publications  exhibited  his  sympathy  with  the  Allies  and 
his  conviction  that  they  uphold  a  just  cause,  and  he  has  shown  his  especial 
admiration  for  France,  whose  economic,  schools  have  been  the  object  of  his 
study  for  several  years. 

IX 

FUTURE  PROBLEMS 

From  the  juridical  and  moral  point  of  view,  the  Chileans  are  profoundly 
interested  in  the  form  in  which  the  European  forces  that  are  to-day  in  conflict 
will  be  rearranged,  and  the  principles  of  law  that  will  be  applied  to  the  new 
Europe. 

A  country,  young,  weak,  democratically  constituted,  as  ours  is,  requires  for 
its  future  free  development  that  the  principle  of  nationality,  as  it  has  been  pro- 
claimed by  the  Allies,  be  put  into  practice  in  the  solution  of  the  problems  to 
which  war  gives  rise. 


CHILE  AND   THE   WAR 


17 


We  could  wish  that  there  should  result  from  this  war  solid  guaranties  that, 
in  the  future,  public  international  law  shall  not  be  violated,  that  treaties  shall  again 
constitute  a  secure  basis  of  relations  between  peoples,  and  that  it  shall  not  be 
necessary  to  consider  force  as  the  only  pledge  of  security  for  a  nation  that  provokes 
no  one.  We  need,  in  fine,  that  Europe,  victorious  over  militarism,  shall  guarantee 
to  humanity  that  the  case  of  Belgium  shall  not  be  repeated. 

In  their  economic  aspects,  the  results  of  the  war  disquiet  us.  From  Europe 
we  have  not  only  received  culture  and  the  principles  of  law,  but  commerce, 
capital  and  immigration. 

The  sooner  the  economic  energies  of  Great  Britain,  France  and  the  other 
European  countries  with  which  we  need  to  make  an  exchange  of  products,  be 
recovered,  the  better  for  us.  Our  markets  need  to  be  open  to  all,  and  to  all  we 
need  to  offer  the  products  of  our  soil. 

We  hope  that  the  reaction  which  will  follow  the  war  will  awaken  in  Europe 
a  particular  interest  in  the  nitrate  of  soda  of  Chile,  which  agriculture  will  need 
to  intensify  its  production,  in  order  to  regain  the  wealth  lost.  Germany  has 
declared  a  sort  of  war  upon  our  product,  and  has  announced  officially  that  she 
no  longer  needs  it,  as  she  obtains  the  same  results  with  her  chemical  fertilizers 
and  nitrogen  extracted  from  the  air.  We  desire  to  believe  that  the  rest  of  the 
countries  will  continue  to  give  the  preference  to  the  natural  Chilean  product. 

What  will  be  the  condition  of  the  great  money  markets  of  London  and 
Paris  after  the  war?  Here  is  a  problem  that  interests  us.  We  need  capital, 
and  up  to  the  present  we  have  secured  it  in  those  countries  upon  satisfactory  terms. 

The  financial  recovery  of  both  these  great  powers,  after  the  gigantic  efiforts 
they  are  making  for  their  defense,  is  an  immediate  Chilean  interest. 

It  may  be  supposed  that  the  war,  in  the  first  years  after  the  signing  of  peace, 
will  throw  great  masses  of  Europeans  upon  America.  We  ought  to  be  very  cau- 
tious in  the  selection  of  these  elements,  many  of  which  can  be  for  us  a  valuable 
addition,  in  order  that  others  may  not  come  to  us  who  will  be  stumbling-blocks  in 
the  way  of  our  development.  Chilean  laws  grant  in  this  respect  an  absolute 
liberty.  There  exists  in  our  country  no  limitation  or  restriction  upon  immigration. 
The  war  has  revealed  that  an  injection  of  considerable  masses  of  foreigners  from 
nations  with  imperialistic  ambitions  constitutes  a  serious  menace  for  the  people 
that  receives  them  into  its  bosom  with  excessive  generosity.  It  will  be  necessary 
to  establish  conditions  for  the  entrance  of  foreigners  into  Chile  in  a  manner  which, 
without  departing  from  the  liberal  policy  we  have  followed,  may  shield  us  from 
other  evils. 

Until  now  the  disturbances  which  the  war  introduced  into  European  commerce 
and  industries  have  benefited  the  United  States,  which  continues  to  develop  with 
greater  success  than  ever  before  its  activity  in  the  American  markets.  It  is 
possible  that  these  same  circumstances  may  facilitate  the  introduction  of  Ameri- 
can capital  into  our  country,  now  that  New  York  is  able  to  gather  abundant 
reserves  of  gold. 


18  SOUTH    AMERICAN    OPINIONS    ON    THE    WAR 

Here  arises  a  problem  which  seldom  has  even  been  alluded  to  in  Europe, 
and  which  it  would  be  well  to  foresee  and  to  study. 

In  recent  years  the  Pacific  ocean  has  undergone  a  transformation  that  is 
one  of  the  most  interesting  phenomena  of  our  epoch.  Previously  its  waters 
bathed  the  coasts  of  nations  in  formation  and  of  aged  countries  in  decadence. 
The  western  coast  of  the  United  States  had  no  importance.  All  Spanish  America 
was  an  undecipherable  chaos.  Australia  and  New  Zealand  were  scarcely  born, 
and  Japan  was  beginning  its  marvelous  resurrection.  To-day  all  these  countries 
are  in  their  full  development :  they  possess  commerce  and  industries ;  they  are 
centers  of  wealth  or  they  will  be  shortly ;  and  the  Panama  canal  puts  them  into 
direct  and  easy  contact  with  the  rest  of  the  civilized  world. 

It  is  not  a  simple  fantasy,  the  possibility  foreseen  by  different  M^riters,  of  a 
struggle  for  the  domination  of  the  Pacific,  in  which  Japan  and  the  United  States 
will  be  the  center  of  aggroupmesits  of  powers.  It  interests  Chileans  to  know  how 
the  solutions  that  will  grow  out  of  the  present  war  will  affect  the  terms  of  this 
problem,  which  concerns  us  intimately. 

Finally,  our  interest  is  bound  up  in  the  conclusion  of  the  war.  We  desire 
peace,  just  as  all  the  civilized  nations  desire  it;  but  we  want  a  definitive  peace 
that  will  settle  the  problems,  and  not  a  provisional  one  that  will  leave  them  in 
suspense.  We  know  that  if  the  future  peace  be  not  founded  upon  the  destruction 
of  Prussian  militarism,  compelling  it  to  renounce  ambitions  that  led  it  to  provoke 
the  war,  it  will  be  of  short  duration.  During  a  truce  of  this  nature,  with  Europe 
and  the  world  menaced  by  a  renewal  of  the  conflict,  we  could  not  return  to  the 
perfect  normality  of  our  development.  We  prefer  the  continuation  of  the  war, 
with  all  the  injury  it  causes  us,  provided  a  definite  solution  in  fact  and  in  law 
shall  be  achieved. 

X 

THE   LATIN   IDEAL 

The  war  has  revealed  a  world  of  ideas  of  which  we  had  a  presentment, 
and  which  draws  us  toward  the  Latin  peoples  of  Europe  with  whom  we  have  a 
community  of  origin,  of  moral  interests  and  tendencies  in  culture. 

Our  civilization  had  a  purely  Latin  origin.  It  proceeded  in  the  first  place 
from  Spain,  and  it  has  been  essentially  modified  by  the  French  influence  that  we 
received  all  through  the  nineteenth  century. 

We  can  not  conceive  of  an  evolution  which  will  carry  us  along  paths  op- 
posed to  these.  A  people  of  a  definite  race,  with  a  history  that  has  permitted 
it  to  constitute  itself  into  a  well  determined  nationality,  can  not  accept  a  change 
in  civilization,  imposed  by  an  external  influence,  without  denying  its  very  being 
and  renouncing  its  character  and  essential  constitution. 

We  are  disposed  to  receive  the  influences  of  other  countries,  and  to  take 
from  each  of  them  that  which  may  seem  to  accord  best  with  our  progress.     It 


CHILE   AND   THE    WAR  19 

pleases  us  greatly  to  feel  that  in  Chile  there  occur  those  fusions  of  ideas  in  which 
diverse  cultures  act  and  react  upon  each  other. 

There,  is,  however,  an  essential  basis  determined  by  our  origin  and  our  first 
intellectual  formation  that  none  may  dare  to  touch.  The  imperative,  subjugating, 
absorbing  form  of  all  the  Germanic  penetration,  as  we  began  to  feel  it  in  our 
country  and  as  the  present  war  has  revealed  it  with  greater  clearness,  is  incom- 
patible with  the  existence  of  a  free  nation,  and  it  may  be  applied  only  to  peoples 
that  commit  suicide. 

We  should  desire  that  those  who  are  to-day  the  Allies  may  continue  to 
maintain  their  accord  after  the  war,  for  the  good  of  humanity,  and  that  they 
may  constitute  a  nucleus  that  will  be  a  center  for  the  solution  of  many  human 
problems  that  interest  us.    They  would  thus  be  the  champions  of  the  new  ideal. 

Much  is  said  regarding  the  renewal  of  the  Latin  ideal.  The  expression 
is  still  vague,  and  it  will  be  necessary  precisely  to  define  it  in  words  and  in  deeds. 
If  this  Latin  ideal  consists  in  respecting  the  principle  of  nationality  in  an 
effective  form ;  in  the  diffusion  of  the  culture  which  was  born  in  Rome,  and 
which  has  succeeded  in  producing  the  liberties  that  the  contemporary  peoples 
enjoy  and  long  for  to-day;  in  the  predominance  of  law  over  force;  in  an  effort 
to  make  human  existence  better  and  more  beautiful ;  in  international  cooperation 
for  elevating  the  moral  and  material  conditions  of  the  life  of  all  peoples,  then  the 
Latin  ideal  is  our  ideal,  the  ideal  of  our  democracy. 

If  the  American  countries  are  to  share  this  ideal,  the  European  powers 
that  incarnate  it  must,  according  to  my  judgment,  use  it  as  the  foundation  of 
their  future  relations- with  the  nationalities  of  the  new  continent ;  they  must  grant 
to  these  nations  their  position  in  the  assembly  of  cultured  peoples ;  and  they 
must  understand  that  these  nations  are  the  humanity  of  the  future,  now  on 
the  march,  and  that  each  of  them  possesses  a  personality  of  its  own. 

From  Canada  to  the  strait  of  Magellan,  from  Australia  and  New  Zealand 
to  South  Africa,  there  is  a  world  that  was  generated  by  Europe,  and  which  will 
soon  attain  its  majority.  Its  origins  are  Spanish,  British  and  French.  The 
Germanic  race  has  shown  greater  capacity  for  the  destruction  of  nationalities 
than  for  their  creation. 

The  policy  of  the  future  must  be  based  upon  the  conviction  that  the  progress 
3f  humanity  can  only  be  accomplished  by  an  intimate,  loyal  and  disinterested 
iccord  between  the  nations  of  Europe  and  those  of  this  New  World.  Without 
an  understanding,  neither  the  political,  the  intellectual  nor  the  economic  life 
3f  Europe  will  be  able  to  achieve  its  perfection  after  the  war,  nor  will  those 
lations  which  are  now  awakened  to  activity  in  every  form  be  able  to  complete 
heir  evolution. 

The  forces  that  are  still  wanting  in  our  young  American  peoples,  we  must 
;eek  in  Europe.  The  balm  that  will  cure  the  wounds  of  the  old  continent,  to-day 
gaping  and  bleeding,  can  only  be  found  here  beyond  the  seas. 


THE  ATTITUDE  OF  ECUADOR 

By  Nicolás  F.  López 
I 

Although  the  causes  that  led  to  the  present  war  between  Germany  and  the 
United  States  are  well  known,  they  deserve  at  least  a  brief  rehearsal  in  order  to 
refresh  the  mind  regarding  certain  acts  committed  by  the  belligerents  of  the 
European  war, — acts  by  which  they  made  a  mockery  of  all  the  principles  that 
have  been  consecrated  by  international  law  during  the  last  century,  called  the 
enlightened. 

We  deem  ourselves  as  much  affected  by  the  miseries  of  the  Central  empires 
as  we  are  grieved  by  the  misfortunes  of  the  countries  of  the  Entente.  In  spite 
of  their  exalted  culture,  we  consider  them,  one  and  all,  the  victims  of  the  glamor 
of  greatness  and  dominion,  and  we  believe  the  results  of  the  war  will  justify 
Xorman  Angell's  prophecies  regarding  the  futility  of  every  argument  that  involves 
the  sacrifice  of  myriads  of  victims  for  the  acquisition  of  a  political  domination 
that  must  in  the  end  prove  illusory,  fantastic  and  contrary  to  the  laws  that 
govern  the  development  of  nations. 

On  February  4,  1915,  the  German  admiralty  announced  that  every  enemy  ship 
that  should  be  found  within  a  war  zone  designated  by  itself  would  be  destroyed, 
and  that  the  neutral  vessels  that  might  be  discovered  in  the  same  zone  would  be 
exposed  to  the  danger  of  mistake  and  accident,  owing  to  the  use  of  neutral  flags 
by  the  enemy,  without  regard  for  the  lives  of  the  passengers  and  crews  of  such 
ships. 

The  consequences  of  these  premises  were  seen  in  the  immediate  sinking  of 
the  steamships  Falaba,  Cushtng,  Arabic,  Sussex  and  Lusitania,  the  last  named 
with  1,198  victims,  of  whom  124  were  North  Americans. 

During  the  processes  and  protests  formulated  by  the  chancellery  of  the 
United  States,  Mr.  Bryan  uttered  this  sentence  in  denunciation  of  Germany: 
"They  constitute  open  and  grave  violations  of  universally  accepted  international 
obligations." 

The  effort  of  the  belligerents  to  convert  the  free  seas  into  mine  fields  and 
military  zones,  through  which  the  traffic  of  neutrals  would  be  impossible,  reached 
the  stage  of  an  accomplished  fact.  This  constituted  one  of  the  greatest  abuses  of 
public  law.  There  was,  however,  an  essential  difference  between  the  acts  of  Eng- 
land and  those  of  Germany.  The  aggressions  of  England  in  the  detention,  search 
and  capture  of  neutral  vessels,  and  the  submission  of  their  merchandise  to  prize 


THE   ATl'ITUDE    OF    ECUADOR  21 

courts,  if  exaggerated  and  abusive,  are  palliated  by  the  failure  to  approve  the 
Declaration  of  London,  and  by  the  fact  that  they  prejudiced  the  interests  but 
not  the  lives  of  neutrals,  considered  in  all  time  as  removed  even  from  the  very 
idea  of  attack. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  conduct  of  the  German  submarines  in  sinking  vessels 
under  friendly  flags,  without  previous  warning  sometimes,  and  at  other  times, 
with  the  sarcasm  implied  by  the  abandonment  of  boats  hundreds  of  miles  from 
the  shore,  has  aroused  the  universal  conscience,  since,  because  of  the  defectiveness 
of  the  submarine  as  an  instrument  of  capture,  and  its  incapacity  to  put  in  safety 
the  lives  of  crews  and  passengers,  it  ought  to  have  been  excluded  from  the 
concern  of  neutrals,  and  all  its  ofifensive  power  ought  to  have  been  concentrated 
upon  the  vessels  of  the  enemy. 

This  being  the  case,  the  action  of  the  submarines  was  not  only  an  assault 
upon  enemy  merchandise  carried  in  neutral  vessels,  but  it  was  also  destructive  of 
neutral  lives  and  property  protected  by  neutral  flags.  This  proceeding  amounts 
to  a  return  to  the  war  methods  of  the  time  of  the  corsairs,  with  the  aggravating 
circumstance  that  the  boardings,  onslaughts  and  hazards  of  the  attacks  by  the 
latter  gave  an  opportunity  for.  defence,  while  the  submarine,  in  the  civilized  days 
through  which  we  are  passing,  proceeds  with  absolute  safety  and  with  an  uncon- 
cern truly  Teutonic. 

A  murky  German  philosophy  attempts  to  justify  these  iniquities  by  con- 
tending that  the  Germans  are  obeying  the  law  of  Prussian  expediency,  by  them 
exalted  as  the  reason  for  the  existence  of  the  world.  Thus  their  national  egotism 
is  to  become  the  arbiter  of  human  destinies. 

Since  this  morality  has  been' intensified  by  the  declaration  that  the  submarines 
\vould  sink  without  warning  any  vessel  of  whatsoever  flag,  whether  it  carried 
contraband  merchandise  or  not,  that  might  venture  to  navigate  within  the  radius 
indicated  ad  libitum  by  that  arbiter,  it  has  become  binding  upon  all,  as  a  duty  of 
human  solidarity,  to  support  the  attitude  of  the  United  States  in  severing  diplo- 
matic relations  with  the  empire  that  has  revived  the  war  methods  of  four  centuries 
ago.  This  support  does  not  signify,  as  it  can  not  signify,  our  participation  in  a 
war  which  plans  national  extinction  and  annihilation,  inasmuch  as  the  present 
military  organization  has  enlisted  in  arms  countries  whose  total  destruction  may 
be  considered  but  little  short  of  impossible. 

The  breaking  off  of  relations  is  but  the  expression  of  a  protest,  a  lofty 
protest,  against  proceedings  that  put  justice  to  shame  and  are  an  attack  upon 
reason.  It  is  the  mildest  and  most  enlightened  form  of  reprobating  the  measures 
of  refined  cruelty  practiced  without  discrimination  in  view  either  of  friendship 
or  of  neutrality. 

To  abstain  from  making  this  protest,  which  is  synonymous  with  dignity,  under 
pretext  of  preserving  a  neutrality  that  has  already  been  expressly  and  otficially 


22  SOUTH    AMERICAN    OPINIONS    ON    THE    WAR 

disregarded  by  the  belligerent,  is  carrying  things  to  the  extreme  of  disregarding 
the  very  instincts  of  self-preservation. 

The  juridical  concept  of  neutrality  differs  from  the  popular  idea  of  what  that 
concept  is.  Juridical  neutrality  "is  the  condition  of  those  states  which,  in  time  of 
war,  do  not  take  part  in  the  struggle,  and  continue  their  peaceful  relations  with 
the  belligerents."  According  to  the  popular  idea,  this  concept  implies  an  attitude 
of  Mussulman  indifference,  isolation  and  total  aloofness,  which  does  not  comport 
with  the  principles  of  international  law.  It  is  understood  that  this  duty  of  volun- 
tary neutrality  is  the  correlative  of  the  law  of  the  inviolability  of  neutral  territory, 
and  of  the  law  of  the  free  use  of  the  sea  as  the  commercial  highway  of  the  na- 
tions, subject  only  to  the  right  of  search  and  the  submission  of  contraband  to 
prize  courts. 

Since  the  exercise  of  these  two  fundamental  rights  has  been  openly  made 
light  of  by  Germany,  what  other  measure  than  the  suspension  of  diplomatic  rela- 
tions can  be  adopted  on  the  part  of  the  twenty-one  American  republics  with  re- 
gard to  the  empire,  particularly  in  view  of  the  fact  that  Germany  has  not  denied  to 
the  English  press  the  insinuation  which  she  made  to  the  countries  of  the  Entente 
with  respect  to  a  possible  return  of  all  the  invaded  territory  of  Belgium,  Russia 
and  the  Balkans,  provided  she  be  given  a  free  hand  in  Latin  America.  The  rela- 
tive smallness  of  some  of  these  republics  in  no  way  diminishes  the  principle  of 
their  sovereignty  and  independence,  in  virtue  of  which  every  nation  invested  with 
rights  by  international  law  may  demand  that  its  rights  be  respected  and  protected 
by  all  the  other  nations.  This  involves  that  all  shall  respect  the  rights  of  each, 
according  to  the  fifth  declaration  of  "The  Rights  and  Duties  of  Nations,"  adopted 
by  the  American  Institute  of  International  Law. 

The  essential  difference  in  point  of  law  between  the  countries  of  America 
and  the  powers  of  Europe  inheres  in  the  political  system  which  operates  in  the 
American  countries.  Here  democracy,  incipient  and  even  deficient,  if  you  will, 
in  some  of  the  countries,  has  created  a  basis  of  equality  in  internal  judicial  rela- 
tions that  may  well  be  given  a  comprehensive  application  to  juridical  relations 
of  an  international  order. 

In  absolute  and  semi-constitutional  monarchies,  on  the  contrary,  the  great 
interests  of  the  privileged  classes  compel  them  to  look  first  with  disdain,  and  then 
with  a  view  to  prevention,  in  case  of  difficulty,  upon  the  governments  and  peo- 
ples that  are  the  agents  of  their  own  destinies,  and  are,  in  short,  the  most  obvious 
and  eloquent  negation  of  the  traditional  and  divine  rights  which  sustain  these 
monarchies. 

Without  the  Colossus  of  the  North,^  more  than  one  Holy  Alliance  for  the 
collection  of  debts  from  the  governments  of  the  scandalous  republics  of  America 


1  A  name  often  applied  to  the  United  States  in  the  southern  countries,  particularly  in 
Central  America  and  in  the  northern  countries  of   South  America. — Translators  note. 


THE  ATTITUDE  OF  ECUADOR  23 

would  have  been  formed  in  Europe  between  the  reigning  families  in  which  the 
thirst  for  dominion,  honors  and  wealth  drowns  the  cries  of  blood,  and  drives 
their  peoples  to  the  extermination  of  everything  they  consider  opposed  to  the 
continuance  of  their  privileges  and  the  glorification  of  their  self-interest. 

As  the  situation  of  this  continent  is  peculiar,  very  peculiar,  considered  from 
its  geographical,  historical,  political  and  social  points  of  view,  so  also  must 
its  laws  of  international  application  be  peculiar.  If  Pan  Americanism,  with  the 
lineaments  prefigured  from  the  time  of  Monroe  and  Lincoln  to  the  time  of  Bryan 
and  Wilson,  has  not  yet  been  established,  it  is  due  to  the  force  of  inertia  which 
our  peoples  employ  against  the  very  measures  that  assure  their  liberty  and  pro- 
claim their  rights.  In  a  similar  manner  the  sovereignty  and  independence  of 
which  we  boast  to-day,  we  resisted  yesterday,  by  cooperating  with  the  Spanish 
authorities  in  the  reaction  that  sought  in  vain  to  thwart  the  aspirations  and 
sacrifices  of  our  national  liberators. 

The  proposition  presented  by  the  internationalist  Alejandro  Alvarez,  before 
the  First  Pan  American  Scientific  Congress,  raised  the  question  of  the  existence 
of  a  special  American  international  law.  After  a  long  and  illuminating  discussion 
he  obtained  the  declaration : 

The  Congress  recognizes  that  in  the  New  World  there  exist  problems  sui 
generis,  of  a  character  completely  American ;  and  that  the  states  of  this 
hemisphere  have  reyulated,  by  means  of  treaties  of  more  or  less  general  appli- 
cation, questions  which  interest  them  alone,  and  which  although  of  universal 
interest,  have  not  yet  been  incorporated  in  a  universal  conventio^i. 

Since  the  nations  of  America  have  been  invited  by  the  illustrious  President 
of  the  United  States  to  make  a  joint  and  fitting  protest  against  the  conduct  o  I 
Germany  in  refusing  to  recognize  the  rights  of  neutrals,  in  an  assault  upon  their 
lives,  in  the  paralyzation  of  their  commerce,  and  in  the  conversion  of  the  expedi- 
encies of  the  empire,  judged  by  the  standards  of  that  government,  into  the  supreme 
law  of  civilized  peoples,  our  attitude  ought  to  be  one  of  frank  and  decided  sup- 
port of  the  United  States,  which  has  presented  itself  as  the  paladin  of  the  liber- 
ties of  the  world  against  the  iniquities  of  the  great  war.  It  should  be  under- 
stood that,  owing  to  the  limitation  of  our  forces,  this  united  support  must  be 
given  solely  for  the  purpose  of  repudiating  the  acts  cited,  which,  if  they  be  left 
to  stand  without  protest,  will  become  precedents  and  practices  in  the  European 
law  of  force  in  its  pretended  contentions  against  the  validity  of  American  law. 

II 

Those  who  refer  to  t.he  duties  of  neutrality  and  attribute  to  them  a  positive, 
definite  and  effective  character,  fall  into  a  grave  error.  In  international  juris- 
prudence there  hardly  exists  a  concept  of  more  conventional,  negative  and  con- 


24  SOUTH    AMERICAN    OPINIONS    ON    THE    WAR 

tradictory  application  than  that  of  neutrahty,  since  its  pretended  rights  are  suD- 
ject  to  the  restrictions  imposed  by  the  beUigerents,  while  the  amplitude  of  its 
obligations  is  determined  by  what  they  consider  their  expediencies. 

For  this  reason,  Westlake  has  said  that  the  obligation  of  neutrality  does  not 
exist,  but  that  it  is  incumbent  upon  every  member  of  the  international  society  to 
work  for  a  peace  based  upon  justice;  and  that  such  a  result  will  not  be  obtained 
if  an  attitude  of  indifference  be  adopted  in  the  presence  of  abuses  and  crimes, 
since  the  perpetrators  of  them  discover  in  this  indiííerence  the  stimulus  and  even 
the  applause  that  indefinitely  prolong  the  hitherto  unheard  of  proceedings.  , 

The  complications  of  the  passive  attitude  increase,  if  we  consider  that,  in 
the  present  developments  of  the  great  war,  with  the  passing  of  each  day,  and  in 
proportion  to  the  greatness  of  the  nations  that  unite  in  the  defence  of  the  funda- 
mental principles  of  international  law,  it  has  become  almost  impossible  to  pre- 
serve the  neutrality  demanded  by  the  opposing  interests.  The  difficulty  arises 
in  view  of  the  enormous  extension  of  the  prohibitive  lists  in  respect  of  munitions 
of  war,  and  of  the  contradictions  and  inconsistencies  which  spring  from  the  same 
concept  of  neutrality.  For  if  trade  in  arms  and  munitions,  for  example,  be  not 
considered  a  violation  of  neutrality,  on  the  other  hand,  the  sale  of  ships  and  ves- 
sels of  whatever  character  is ;  and  while  war  loans  are  in  current  use  and  tolerated 
in  neutral  places,  subscriptions  and  public  collections  are  prohibited. 

Basing  his  argument  on  these  abnormalities,  Lorimer  has  said:  "Only  neces- 
sity can  justify  either  war  or  neutrality,  and  they  are  not  the  source  from 
which  we  derive  normal  rights  and  duties." 

At  first  sight  nothing  appears  more  logical  and  opportune  than  the  gathering 
of  a  congress  of  neutrals  in  which  to  define  the  extent  of  these  rights  and  duties, 
restricted  or  augmented,  according  to  the  lens  through  which  the  belligerent  views 
them.  However,  after  a  little  reflection  upon  the  idea  and  its  practical  results, 
the  futility  of  the  former  and  the  Utopian  and  nugatory  character  of  the  latter 
are  proven. 

This  meeting  would  have  to  be  called  a  Congress  of  Spanish-American  Neu- 
trals, in  case  it  should  it  should  be  constituted,  since  the  United  States  forms  an 
integral  part  of  the  great  struggle.  Of  the  countries  that  constitute  the  Latin- 
American  family,  Brazil,  Bolivia,  Cuba,  Puerto  Rico,  the  Dominican  Republic  and 
Haiti,  for  reasons  known  to  all,  have  broken  off  relations  with  Germany,  and 
some  of  them  have  declared  war  upon  her.  Let  it  not  be  forgotten  that  the  atti- 
tude of  these  sister  countries  is  taken  against  Germany  only,  without  applying  it 
to  the  other  Central  empires  and  allies  of  Germany,  as  is  evident  from  the  respec- 
tive notes  of  their  chancelleries.  There  would  be  left  then  to  form  the  congress 
of  neutrals  the  remaining  fifteen  countries  of  Spanish  speech,  three  of  which  are 
passing  through  conditions  of  open  revolution,  and  in  many  of  the  others  sub- 
versive tendencies  may  be  noted.    What  importance  would  universal  opinion,  per- 


THE  ATTITUDE  OF  ECUADOR  25 

turbed  now  by  the  magnitude  of  the  war,  attach  to  the  decisions  and  resolutions 
of  this  congress,  composed  of  nations  whose  governments  are  barely  able  to  set 
in  order  their  own  houses? 

In  case  of  disobedience  or  a  sanguinary  mockery  of  the  conclusions  reached 
by  the  neutral  nations,  what  entity  or  political  power  would  guarantee  the  carry- 
ing out  of  that  which  might  be  agreed  upon,  or  what  other  means  than  that  of  war 
could  be  utilized  for  extrication  from  the  difficulty  through  the  canons  of  inter- 
national law? 

If  the  decisions  or  resolutions  which  must  by  their  very  nature  be  binding 
upon  the  belligerents  of  the  present  war,  who  will  put  the  bells,  not  any  longer 
upon  the  cats,  but  upon  the  panthers  and  tigers  that  are  now  rending  each  other 
in  the  frightful  slaughter? 

The  congress  of  neutrals,  desiring  to  prevent  the  horrors  of  the  struggle, 
would  have  hastened  the  inclusion  in  it  of  the  countries  which  have  remained 
out  of  the  conflict. 

It  seems  incredible  that  there  should  exist  those  who  would  even  plan  the 
formation  of  a  congress  for  studies,  discussions,  declarations  and  resolutions 
that  would  be  based  upon  the  doctrines,  speculations,  theories  and  practices  of 
international  law,  in  the  precise  moments  in  which  the  table  has  been  swept  bare 
of  everything  of  that  character :  from  the  inalienable  principle  of  maritime 
freedom  and  territorial  sovereignty,  to  the  no  less  sacred  one  of  faith  in  public 
treaties,  subscribed  to  by  the  very  powers  which,  through  declaration  in  solemn 
act  and  in  the  presence  of  the  majesty  of  their  own  parliaments,  have  made  a  jest 
of  them. 

In  spite  of  the  passage  of  time,  of  their  own  political  autonomy  and  the 
degree  of  culture  attained  by  the  Latin  countries  of  America,  they  were  admitted 
to  the  concert  of  civilized  nations,  which  was  celebrated  at  the  Congress  of  the 
Hague,  only  by  means  of  the  good  offices  and  the  demands  of  the  United  States, 
without  whose  concurrence  America  weighs  little  enough  in  the  scales  of  human 
destiny. 

Dominated  by  the  prejudices  which  our  routine  of  thought  has  accumu- 
lated against  the  United  States  of  North  America,  we  repeat  daily  the  elegy 
of  Panamá,  the  melodrama  of  Cuba  and  Puerto  Rico,  the  tragedy  of  México 
(without  making  distinctions  between  the  people  and  their  governments).  We  re- 
frain, however,  from  recalling  the  long  and  shameful  process  of  negotiation?, 
warnings,  blood  and  tears  that  preceded  each  of  those  dramatic  climaxes  which 
have  not  even  had  the  power  to  make  us  profit  by  the  experiences  of  others ;  and, 
although  the  progress  achieved  and  the  advantages  acquired  by  the  peoples  that 
have  drawn  inspiration  from  the  spirit  of  American  democracy,  are  known  to  us 
in  detail,  we  forget  to  mention  them,  and  we  continue  the  tiresome  recital  of 
abuses  and  vassalage,  while  the  pitied  victims  feel  themselves  to  be  happy,  and 


26  SOUTH    AMERICAN    OPINIONS    ON    TIIF.    WAR 

vote  for  a  continuation  of  the  regimen  of  bloody  purification,  which  is  necessary 
perhaps  for  the  intensification  of  their  culture. 

The  exaggerations  of  what  is  called  patriotism  tend  to  distort  public  judg- 
ment, and  they  precipitate  the  abuses  which  are  invoked  in  the  name  of  necessity 
exalted  as  the  supreme  law  of  nations.  Vital  interests,  and  not  idealistic  rhap- 
sodies, are  the  forces  that  determine  international  relations,  although  they  are 
indeed  all  the  more  sincere  and  close  in  proportion  to  the  greater  number  of 
points  of  political,  economic  and  social  affinity  that  exist  between  them.  If  in 
the  eighty-seven  years  of  our  independent  life,  and  through  the  agitations  of  an 
internal  order  that  Ecuador  has  endured  in  obedience  to  the  laws  of  evolution, 
no  friction  worthy  of  consideration  has  ever  been  produced  between  the  chan- 
celleries of  Washington  and  Quito,  why,  in  the  supreme  moments  of  the  present, 
must  we  entertain  ourselves  with  recriminations  regarding  acts  that  do  not  con- 
cern us,  or  much  less,  foment,  with  implacable  tenacity,  jealousies  and  hatreds 
that  might  work  us  great  damage? 

Since  the  participation  of  the  United  States  in  the  war  was  occasioned  by 
causes  that  honor  the  democracy  of  the  north,  and  since  it  means  the  salvation  of 
the  principles  that  inform  our  own  political  existence,  it  is  the  part  of  puerile  in- 
justice, since  we  do  not  desire  to  behold  in  it  malevolence,  to  attribute  to  selfish 
interests,  to  the  solicitations  of  unbounded  greed  and  avarice,  the  entrance  into  the 
struggle  of  the  Colossus  of  the  North,  which,  after  having  fed  the  population  of 
Belgium  for  two  years  and  a  half,  and  after  having  exhausted  its  efforts  and 
patience  in  favor  of  peace,  opens  its  inexhaustible  chests  to  European  credit,  and 
enters  the  war  to  sustain  the  canons  of  justice,  democracy  and  imperiled  right. 

The  nation  that  carries  on  two-thirds  of  the  foreign  commerce,  and  consumes 
at  present  three-quarters  of  the  exports  of  each  and  all  of  the  countries  of  Amer- 
ica being  now  in  the  struggle,  will  it  be  possible  to  make  our  strict  neutrality 
conform  to  the  demands  of  our  life  and  the  complications  of  the  immense  stage, 
or  are  we  to  aid  passively  in  the  extermination  of  all  those  moral  values  that  have 
prevailed  in  the  world,  as  if  it  were  a  question  of  occurrences  that  do  not  concern 
us,  or  that  take  place  among  stranger  and  antagonistic  peoples  remote  from  our 
continent  ? 

Not  thus  has  the  wise  Brazilian  statesmanship  comprehended  the  case,  which, 
in  spite  of  the  great  German  interests  vested  in  that  vast  territory,  has  foreseen 
the  perturbations  of  to-morrow,  and  has  severed  its  relations  with  the  empire 
that  would  carry  its  methods  of  force  and  insult  to  whatever  point  to  which  one 
of  its  subjects  might  betake  himself.  Not  thus  has  the  question  been  understood 
by  the  diplomacy  of  Bolivia,  which  has  now  assured  for  that  mediterranean 
nation  an  outlet  to  the  Pacific,  very  shortly  to  be  visited  by  the  superdreadnaughts 
of  the  Star  Spangled  Banner.  Guatemala,  Salvador,  Honduras,  Nicaragua  and 
Costa  Rica,  falling  in  with  the  policy  of  the  White  House,  have  laid  the  founda- 


THE  ATTITUDE  OF  ECUADOR  27 

tions  of' a  republico-democratic  solidarity  that  ought  to  endure  immovable  among 
the  members  of  the  American  family. 

Strict  neutrality,  in  addition  to  the  impossibility  of  maintaining  it  in  prac- 
tice, would  give  proof  of  the  mental  poverty  of  the  country  that  holds  aloof,  of 
a  lack  of  sagacity  to  improve  the  occasion  for  insuring  its  destiny,  and  of  the 
absence  of  the  morality  for  lack  of  which  it  remains  indifferent  in  the  presence  of 
the  innumerable  crimes  perpetrated  upon  the  persons  of  neutrals  by  the  empire 
whose  sovereignty  alone  sets  bounds  upon  its  cruelty. 

If  Ecuador  does  not  sever  relations  with  Germany,  it  ought  at  least  to  decree 
a  benevolent  neutrality  toward  the  United  States,  based  upon  the  cordiality  of 
their  former  relations,  the  similarity  of  their  political  constitutions,  the  growing 
importance  and  correlation  of  their  commerce,  and,  finally,  upon  the  high  aims 
which  have  impelled  the  entrance  of  North  America  into  the  great  struggle  in 
behalf  of  human  liberty,  and  which  as  a  result  will  create  a  new  social  organiza- 
tion, based  upon  the  government  of  the  people  by  the  people. 


PUBLICATIONS  OF  THE  CARNEGIE  ENDOWMENT 
OCTOBER  1,  1917. 

The  chief  agency  of  propaganda  adopted  by  the  Trustees  is  by  publications 
bearing  the  imprint  of  the  Endowment.  The  list  of  these  publications  is  already 
large,  and  some  of  the  earlier  pamphlets  and  monographs  are  now  out  of  print. 
In  the  following  list  these  are  included,  the  publications  no  longer  available  for 
distribution  being  thus  indicated  (f). 

Many  of  the  publications  are  issued  for  gratuitous  circulation,  and  are 
sent  to  all  addresses  carried  upon  the  regular  mailing  lists  of  the  Endowment,  or 
upon  request  to  all  persons  writing  for  them. 

This  free  distribution  does  not  apply  to  the  publications  of  the  Division  of 
Economics  and  History  nor  to  certain  of  the  publications  of  the  Division  of 
International  Law,  which  are  highly  technical  in  character  and  appeal  to  limited 
groups  of  students  and  specialists.  In  each  such  case  the  title  of  the  publication 
is  preceded  by  (*),  and  the  price  is  indicated.  They  can  be  obtained  by  remit- 
tance to  the  Clarendon  Press,  Oxford,  England,  or  to  the  American  Branch  of 
the  Oxford  Press,  35  West  32d  Street,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

The  Endowment  has  established  depository  libraries  for  all  its  pub- 
lications in  the  larger  cities  of  the  United  States,  where  they  may  be  consulted. 
A  list  of  these  depository  libraries  is  included  in  the  Year  Book  for  1917,  p.  187. 

Additional  publications  will  be  announced  from  time  to  time. 

Publications  of  the  Secretary's  Office 

tYear  Book  for  1911;  Year  Book  for  1912;  Year  Book  for  1913-1914;  Year  Book  for  1915; 
Year  Book  for  1916;  Year  Book  for  1917. 

Publications  of  the  Division  of  Intercourse  and  Education 

No.     1     Some  Roads  Towards  Peace:     A  report  on  observations  made  in  China  and 
Japan  in  1912.    By  Dr.  Charles  W.  Eliot,    vi— 88  p.    1914.     , 
fNo.    2    German  International  Progress  in   1913.     By  Professor  Dr.  Wilhelm   Pasz- 
KOWSKI.     iii — 11  p.     1914. 
Educational  Exchange  with  Japan.    By  Dr.  Hamilton  W.  Mabie.    8  p.    1914. 
Report  of  the  International  Commission  to  Inquire  into  the  Causes  and  Con- 
duct of  the  Balkan  Wars,    ix — 418  p.,  illus.,  maps.     1914. 
Intellectual  and  Cultural  Relations  Between  the  United  States  and  the 
Other  Republics  of  America.     By  Dr.  Harry  Erwin  Bard,     iv — 35  p.     1914. 
Growth  of  Intfjínationalism  in  Japan.    By  T.  Miyaoka.    iii — 15  p.    1915. 
For   Better  Relations   with  our  Latin   American   Neighbors  :   A  Journey  to 
South  America.    [English  Edition.]    By  Robert  Bacon,     viii — 168  p.     1915. 
No.    8    The  Same,  in  the  Original  Spanish,  Portuguese  and  French,     viii — 221  p.     1915. 
A  second  edition  of  Mr.  Bacon's  Report,  containing  Nos.  7  and  8  in  one  volume,  has 
also  been  published. 


No. 

3 

tNo. 

4 

fNo. 

5 

No. 

6 

tNo. 

7 

No.  9  Former  Senator  Burton's  Trip  to  South  America.  By  Otto  Schoenrich.  iii — 
40  p.     1915. 

No.  10  Problems  About  War  for  Classes  in  Arithmetic.  By  David  Eugene  Smith, 
Ph.D.,  LL.D.    23  p.    1915. 

No.  11  Hygiene  and  War;  Suggestions  for  Makers  of  Textbooks  and  for  Use  in 
Schools.    By  George  Ellis  Jones,  Ph.D.    1917. 

No.  12  Russia,  The  Revolution  and  the  War.  An  Account  of  a  Visit  to  Petrograd 
AND  Helsingsfors  IN  March,  1917.  By  Dr.  Christian  L.  Lange,  Secretary 
General  of  the  Interparliamentary  Union.    26  p.     1917. 

No.  13  Greetings  to  the  New^  Russia.  Addresses  at  a  Meeting  Held  at  the  Hudson 
Theater,  New  York,  April  23,  1917,  Under  the  Auspices  of  the  National 
Institute  of  Arts  and  Letters.     14  p.  1917. 

No.  14  South  American  Opinions  on  the  War:  I.  Chile  and  the  War,  by  Carlos 
Silva  Vildósola  ;  II.  The  Attitude  of  Ecuador,  by  Nicolás  F.  López.  Trans- 
lation from  the  Spanish  by  Peter  H.  Goldsmith.    28  p.     1917. 

Publications  of  the  Division  of  Economics  and  History 

♦Nationalism  and  War  in  the  Near  East.  By  a  Diplomatist.  Edited  by  Lord  Court- 
ney of  Penwith.  Published  by  the  Clarendon  Press,  Oxford,  England,  xxvi 
—434  p.     1915.     Price.  $4.15. 

♦The  Industrial  Development  and  Commercial  Policies  of  the  Three  Scandinavian 
Countries.  By  Povl  Drachmann.  Edited  by  Harald  Westergaard,  LL.D. 
Published  by  the  Clarendon  Press,  Oxford,  England.     130  p.     1915.     Price,  $1.50. 

♦Losses  of  Life  in  Modern  Wars.  Austria-Hungary  ;  France.  By  Gaston  Bodart, 
LL.D. — Military  Selection  and  Race  Deterioration.  By  Vernon  Lyman 
Kellogg.  Edited  by  Harald  Westergaard,  LL.D.  Published  by  the  Clarendon 
Press,  Oxford,  England,     x— 207— 6  p.     1916.     Price,  $2.00. 

♦Economic  Protectionism.  By  Josef  Grunzel.  Edited  by  Eugen  von  Philippovich.  Pub- 
lished by  the  Clarendon  Press,  Oxford,  England,  xiii — 357 — 6  p.  1916.  Price 
$2.90. 

♦Epidemics  Resulting  from  Wars.  By  Dr.  Friedrich  Prinzing.  Edited  by  Harald  Wes- 
tergaard, LL.D.  Published  by  the  Clarendon  Press,  Oxford,  England,  xii — 
340—6  p.     1916.     Price,  $2.50. 

♦The  Colonial  Tariff  Policy  of  France.  By  Dr.  Arthur  Girault.  Edited  by  Charles 
Gide.  Published  by  the  Clarendon  Press,  Oxford,  England,  viii — 305 — 6  p. 
1916.     Price.  $2.50. 

♦The  Five  Republics  of  Central  America,  Their  Political  and  Economic  Development 
AND  Their  Rfi.ations  with  the  United  States.  By  Dana  G.  Munro. 
Edited  by  David  Kinley.  Published  by  the  American  Branch  of  the  Oxford 
University  Press,  New  York,  N.  Y.   1917.     Price  to  be  announced. 

Publications  of  the  Division  of  International  Law 

♦The  Hague  Conventions  and  Declarations  of  1899  and  1907,  2d.  ed.    Edited  by  James 

Brown  Scott,  Director,    xxxiii— 303  p.     1915.     Price,  $2.00. 
♦Las  Convenciones  y  Declaraciones  de  la  Haya  de  1899  y  1907.    Edited  by  James  Brown 

Scott,  Director,     xxxv— 301  p.     1916.     Price,  $2.00. 
♦The  Freedom  of  the  Seas.    A  dissertation  by  Hugo  Grotius.    Translated  with  a  revision 

of  the  Latin  text  of   1633,  by  Ralph  van  Deman   Magoffin,   Ph.D.     Edited  by 

James  Brown  Scott,  Director,    xv— 83  p.     (Parallel  pp.)     1916.     Price,  $2.00. 
♦Instructions  to  the  American  Delegates  to  the  Hague  Peace  Conferences  and  Theif 

Official  Reports.     Edited  by  James  Brown  Scott,  Director,    v— 138  p.     1916. 

Price,  $1.50. 
♦The  Status  of  the  International  Court  of  Justice,  with  an  appendix  of  addresses  and 

official  documents,  by  James  Brown  Scott,  Director,    v— 93  p.    1916.   Price,  $1.50. 
♦An  International  Court  of  Justice,  by  James  Brown  Scott,    ix— 108  p.   1916.   Price,  $1.50. 


♦Recommendations  on  International  Law  and  Official  Commentary  Thereon  of  the 
Second  Pan  American  Scientific  Congress  held  in  Washington,  Decembeí 
27,  1915-January  8,  1916.  Edited  by  James  Brown  Scott,  vii— 53  p.  1916, 
Price,  $1.00. 

*An  Essay  on  a  Congress  of  Nations  for  the  Adju.stment  of  International  Disputes 
without  Resort  to  Arms,  by  William  Ladd.  Reprinted  from  tbe  original  edi- 
tion of  1840,  with  an  introduction  by  James  Brown  Scott,  Director.  1 — 162  p. 
1916.     Price,  $2.00. 

•The  Hague  Court  Reports,  comprising  the  awards,  accompanied  by  syllabi,  the  agreements 
for  arbitration,  and  other  documents  in  each  case  submitted  to  the  Permanent 
Court  of  Arbitration  and  to  commissions  of  inquiry  under  the  provisions  of  the 
Conventions  of  1899  and  1907  for  the  pacific  settlement  of  international  dis- 
putes.    Edited  by  James  Brown  Scott,     cxi — 664  p.     1916.     Price,  $3.50. 

♦Resolutions  of  the  Institute  of  International  Law  Dealing  with  the  Law  of  Na- 
tions, with  an  historical  introduction  and  explanatory  notes.  Collected  and 
translated  under  the  supervision  of  and  edited  by  James  Brown  Scott,  xli — 
261  p.     1916.     Price,  $2.00. 

♦Diplomatic  Documents  Relating  to  the  European  War.  Edited  by  James  Brown  Scott, 
Director.    2  vols.     1916.     Price,  $7.50.    • 

*The  Declaration  of  Independence;  the  Articles  of  Confederation;  the  Constitution 
OF  THE  United  States.  Edited,  with  an  Introductory  Note,  by  James  Brown 
Scott,  Director.     124  p.     1917.     Price,  $1.00. 

♦The  Controversy  over  Neutral  Rights  between  the  U.^itsd  States  and  France 
1797-1800.  A  Collection  of  American  State  Papers  and  Judicial  Decisions. 
Edited  by  James  Brown  Scott,  Director,  vi — ^510  p.   1917.   Price  to  be  announced. 

Pamphlet  Series 

No.     1    Arbitrations  and  Diplomatic  Settlements  of  the  United  States,    vii — 21  p. 
No.    2    Limitation  of  Armament  on  the  Great  Lakes.    The  report  of  John  W.  Foster, 

Secretary  of  State,  December  7,  1892.     vii — 57  p.     1914. 
No.    3    Signatures,   Ratifications,  Adhesions  and   Reservations  to  the  Conventions 

AND  Declarations  of  the  First  and  Second  Hague  Peace  Conferences,    vii 

—32  p.     1914. 
No.    4    The  Hague  Conventions  of  1899  (I)  and  1907  (I)  for  the  Pacific  Settlement 

of  International  Disputes,     iv — 48  p.     1915. 
No.    5    The  Hague  Conventions  of  1899  (II)  and  1907  (IV)  respecting  the  Laws  and 

Customs  of  War  on  Land,     iv — 33  p.     1915. 
No.    6    The  Hague  Conventions  of  1899   (III)   and  1907   (X)   for  the  Adaptation  to 

Maritime  Warfare  of  the  Principles  of  the  Geneva  Convention,    iv — 19  ,p. 

1915. 
No.    7    The  Hague   Declarations  of   1899    (IV,  1)    and   1907    (XIV)    Prohibiting  the 

Discharge  of  Projectiles  and  Explosives  from  Balloons,     iv — 5  p.     1915. 
No.    8    The  Hague  Declaration    (IV,  2)   of  1899  concerning  Asphyxiating  Gases,    iv 

—2  p.     1915. 
No.    9    The  Hague  Declaration   (IV,  3)  of  1899  concerning  Expanding  Bullets,    iv — 

2  p.     1915. 
No.  10    The  Final  Acts  of  the  First  and  Second  Hague  Peace  Conferences,  together 

with  the  Draft  Convention  on  a  Judicial  Arbitration  Court,  iv — 40  p.  1915. 
No.  11    The  Hague  Convention   (II)   of  1907  respecting  the  Limitation  of  the  Em- 
ployment OF  Force  for  the  Recovery  of  Contract  Debts,    iv — 7  p.     1915. 
No.  12    The  Hague  Convention  (III)  of  1907  relative  to  the  Opening  of  Hostilities. 

iv— 4  p.     1915. 
No.  13    The  Hague   Convention    (V)    of  1907  respecting  the   Rights   and  Duties  of 

Neutral  Powers  and  Persons  in  Case  of  War  on  Land,    iv — 8  p.     1915. 
No.  14    The  Hague  Convention  (VI)  of  1907  relating  to  the  Status  of  Enemy  Mer- 
chant Ships  at  the  Outbreak  of  Hostilities,    iv — 5  p.     1915. 


No.  15  The  Hague  Convention  (VII)  of  1907  relating  to  the  Conversion  of  Mer- 
chant Ships  into  War-ships,    iv— S  p.     1915. 

No.  16  The  Hague  Convention  (VIII)  of  1907  relative  to  the  Laying  of  Automatic 
Submarine  Contact  Mines,     iv — 6  p.     1915. 

No.  17  The  Hague  Convention  (IX)  of  1907  concerning  Bombardment  by  Naval 
Forces  in  Time  of  War.    iv — 6  p.     1915. 

No.  18    The  Hague  Convention   (XI)   of  1907  relative  to  Certain  Restrictions  with 

REGARD  to  THE  ExERCISE  OF  THE  RiGHT  OF  CaPTURE  IN   NaVAL  WaR.   iv— 6  p.   1915. 

No.  19  The  Hague  Convention  (XII)  of  1907  relative  to  the  Creation  of  an  Inter- 
national Prize  Court,    iv — 21  p.     1915. 

No.  20  The  Hague  Convention  (XIII)  of  1907  concerning  the  Rights  and  Duties  of 
Neutral  Powers  in  Naval  War.    iv— 11  p.     1915. 

No.  21  The  Geneva  Convention  of  1906  for  the  Amelioration  of  the  Condition  of  the 
Wounded  in  Armies  in  the  Field,    iv — 17  p.     1915. 

No,  22    Documents  Respecting  the  Limitation  of  Armaments,    v — 32  p.     1915. 

No.  23  Official  Communications  and  Speeches  Relating  to  Peace  Proposals  vi — 
100  p.    1917. 

No.  24    Documents   Relating  to  the  Controversy  over  Neutral  Rights  between  the 

United  States  and  France,  1797-1800.    vii— 91  p.     1917. 
No.  25    Opinions  of  the  Attorneys   General  and  Judgments  of  the  Supreme  Court 

and  Court  of  Claims  of  the  United  States  Relating  to  the  Controversy 

Over  Neutral  Rights  Between  the  United  States  and  France,  1797-1800. 

v— 340  p.     1917. 

No.  26  Opinions  of  Attorneys  General,  Decisions  of  Federal  Courts,  and  Diplomatic 
Correspondence  Respecting  the  Treaties  of  1785,  1799  and  1828,  Between 
THE  United  States  and  Prussia,    vi — 158  p.    1917. 

No.  26^  Supplement  to  Pamphlet  No.  26. 

No.  27  Official  Documents  Bearing  on  the  Armed  Neutrality  of  1780  and  1800.  x — 
295  p.    1917. 

No.  28  Extracts  from  American  and  Foreign  Works  on  International  Law  Con- 
cerning the  Armed  Neutrality  of  1780  and  1800.    vi — 109  p.     1917. 

No.  29    Two  Ideals  of  Government,    v — 17  p.     1917. 

No.  30  The  Effect  of  Democracy  on  International  Law.  Opening  address  by  Elihu 
Root  as  President  of  the  Atfierican  Society  of  International  Law  at  the 
Eleventh  Annual  Meeting  of  the  Society  in  Washington,  April  26,  1917.  ¡i — 
10  p.     1917. 

CLASSICS  OF  INTERNATIONAL  LAW 

This  series  will  include  the  leading  works  on  International  Law,  the  republication  of 
which  has  been  undertaken  principally  on  account  of  the  difficulty  of  procuring  the  texts  in 
convenient  form  for  scientific  study.  The  text  of  each  author  is  reproduced  photograph- 
ically, so  as  to  lay  the  source  before  the  reader  without  the  mistakes  which  creep  into  a 
newly  printed  text.  An  Introduction  is  prefixed  to  each  work,  giving  the  necessary  bio- 
ijraphical  details  concerning  its  author  and  stating  the  importance  of  the  text  and  its  place 
in  International  Law;  tables  of  errata  in  the  original  are  added  when  necessary,  and  notes 
to  clear  up  doubts  and  ambiguities  or  to  correct  mistakes  in  the  text  are  supplied.  Each 
work  is  accompanied  by  an  English  version  made  expressly  for  the  series  by  a  competent 
translator.  James  Brown  Scott,  Director  of  the  Division  of  International  Law,  is  the 
General  Editor  of  the  Classics. 

The  works  listed  below  have  appeared  and  are  on  sale ;  future  publications  will  be 
announced  as  ready: 

ZoucHE,  Richard:  Juris  et  Judicii  Fecialis,  sive.  Juris  inter  Gentes  et  Quaestionum  de 
Eodem  Explicatio.     2  vols.     1916.     Price,  $4.00. 
Vol.  I.     A  Reproduction  of  the  First  Edition    (1650),  with  portrait  of  Zouche.     In- 
troduction by  Thomas  E.  Holland,  List  of  Errata,  and  Table  of  Authors,     xvi — 
204  p. 


Vol.  II.     Translation  of  the  Text,  by  J.  L.  Brierly.    xvii — 186  p. 
Ayala,  Balthazar  :    De  Jure  et  Officiis  Bellicis  et  Disciplina  Militari.    2  vols.     1912. 
Price,  $7.00. 

Vol.  I.    A  Reproduction  of  the  Edition  of  1582,  with  portrait  of  Ayala.     Introduc- 
tion by  John  Westlake,  etc.    xxvii — 226  p. 

Vol.  II.    Translation  of  the  Text,  by  John  Pawley  Bate,     xvi — 245  p. 
Vattel,  E.  de  :    Le  Droit  des  Gens.    3  vols.     1916.     Price,  $8.00. 

Vol.  I.     A  Photographic  Reproduction  of  Books  I  and  II  of  the  First  Edition  (1758), 
with  an  Introduction  by  Albert  de  Lapradelle.     lix — 541  p.  and  portrait  of  Vattel. 

Vol.  II.    A   Photographic  Reproduction   of  Books  III  and   IV  of  the   First  Edition 
(1758).     xxiv— 376  p. 

Vol.  III.    Translation  of  the  Edition  of  1758   (by  Charles  G.  Fenwick),  with  trans- 
lation   (by  G.  D.  Gregory)   of  Introduction  by  Albert  de  Lapradelle.     Ixxxviii — 
398  p. 
Rachel,  Samuel:     De  Jure  Naturae  et  Gentium  Dissertationes.    Edited  by  Ludwig  von 
Bar.    2  vols.     1916.     Price,  $4.00. 

Vol.  I.    A  Reproduction  of  the  Edition  of  1676,  with  portrait  of  Rachel,  Introduction 
by  Ludwig  von  Bar,  and  List  of  Errata.     16a — x — 335  p. 

Vol.  II.     A  Translation  of  the  Text,  by  John  Pawley  Bate,  with  Index  of  Authors 
Cited.     16a — iv — 233  p. 
Textor,   Johann   Wolfgang:     Synopsis   Juris   Gentium.     Edited  by  Ludwig  von    Bar. 
2  vols.     1916.     Price,  $4.00. 

Vol.  I.     A  Reproduction  of  the  First  Edition  (1680),  with  portrait  of  Textor,  Intro- 
duction by  Ludwig  von  Bar,  and  List  of  Errata.    28a — vi — 148 — 168  p. 

Vol.  II.     A  Translation  of  the  Text,  by  John  Pawley  Bate,  with  Index  of  Authors 
Cited.    26a— V— 349  p. 
Victoria,  Franciscus  A :     Relectiones :  De  Indis  and  De  Jure  Belli.     Introduction  by 
Ernest  Nys.     Translated  by  John  Pawley  Bate.     475  p.     Price,  $3.00. 

PUBLICATIONS  OF  THE  AMERICAN  INSTITUTE  OF  INTERNATIONAL  LAW 

Institut  Américain  de  Droit  International.     Historique,    Notes,    Opinions.      1 — 153  p. 

1916.     Price,  $1.00. 
The  American  Institute  of  International  Law  :     Its  Declaration  of  the  Rights  and 

Duties  of  Nations.    By  James  Brown  Scott,  President.     1 — 125  p.    1916.    Price, 

$1.00.      The  same  in  French.     1916.     Price,  $1.00. 
Le  Droit  International  de  l' Avenir.    Par  Alejandro  Alvarez,  Secretaire  General.    1 — 153  p. 

1916.     Price,   $1.00. 
The  Recommendations  of  Habana  Concerning  International  Organization.    By  James 

Brown  Scott,  President.     1—100  p.     1917.     Price,  $1.00. 

Pamphlets 

The  Declaration  of  the  Rights  and  Duties  of  Nations  of  the  American  Institute  of 
International  Law.     Address  of  Elihu  Root,  President  of  the  American   So- 
ciety of  International  Law,  at  its  Tenth  Annual  Meeting,  April  27,  1916,  Wash- 
ington, D.  C.     1—10  p. 
The  same  in  French. 
The  same  in  Spanish. 
The  same  in  Portuguese. 


